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Vol. II. JUNE, 1907. No. 2. 


Eden to Lord Dajitmouth. 

(private) Annapolis 9*? Septf 1775 

My Lord, 

I had the Honour of writing to your Lordship on the 27^ 

Ulf^ by Mr. Lloyd Dulany of this Province, and intended a 
Duplicate thereoff by this Opportunity — ^but Matters being so 
circumstanced in this Country as to make it very unsafe to keep 
the Copies of Letters that have any Connection with publick 
Business, I found it necessary to destroy that, and shall just 
mention the Contents, having no Doubts of its getting safe to 
your Lordship^s hands, and I hope, proving satisfactory with 
Regard to my Conduct here. 

That Letter mentioned the sending back a Snow of Fur- 
ness^s the Adventure, Capt. Henzell. The burning a Ship (at 
West River) belonging to Gildart of Liverpoole ; and a Copy 
of my Letter to the Officers of the Customs, with their Answer 
thereon. I inclosed also to your Lordship the proceedings of the 
Provincial Convention, and the Appointment of Delates — with 
a Copy of the proceedings in Council, & my proposed Address to 




the people : — the dissuasive Answer of the Council thereon, was, 
I believe sent enclosed to AV^ Eden. 

I mentioned to your Lordship the Motives that had induced 
me to pursue a more lenient Course than some of my neighbour- 
ing Governours had done^ and the Event has so far justifyed me 
that I continue to preserve some Authority in my Govermnl 
when many of them have been necessitated to leave theirs — I 
mean not by this, My Lord, in the least to throw any Censure on 
others — only to observe that I had an Opportunity of availing 
myself of the Consequences of the Measures pursued in the other 
provinces, and of discovering tiie Turn of the peoples Mind, 
which by Experience I have found easier to govern by little, and 
perhaps unavoidable, Concessions, than by total Opposition. 

Since my last to your Lordship, the Council of Safety met, but 
did nothing, M^ Bordley declined acting M'. Jenifer was chosen 
President. The Delegates from the several Provinces are now 
assembled at Philadelphia, in Congress, where, I hear, they intend 
to continue ^till some Return from His Majesty to their last 
Address shall be received by them, or denied — and if the latter is 
the Case, Manifestoes are to be sent to the sundry Powers in 
Europe, inviting them to trade with the free American Colonies 
— I h^rd this from Virginia — ^the Delegates of that province, 
one or two excepted, are the next to the four Eastern Gov*f for 
violent Measures, or Eeport speaks very falsely of them, as do 
also their own Itinerants. 

The late violent proceedings have driven, and are driving many 
people of Character and property out of this Country — several of 
whom will have the Honour of waiting on your Lordship. M^ 
Lloyd Dulany will probably have seen your Lordship, To M^ 
Christie a Merch! of Baltimore, of very good Character, who was 
exceedingly ill-used by the Convention here, I gave a Letter to 
my Brother, desiring him to introduce that Gent? to your Lords^. 
when mc^t convenient to you. This will be delivered to your 
Lordship by my particular Freind, the Eev^ M^ Boucher, whom 
I took the Liberty of mentioning in the most favourable Terms 
in my last — should that, by any Accident, which I scarce appre- 
hend, being in a very good Ship, never arrive, M^ Boucher, from 
having long been occasionally, a confidential Secretary to me, as 



well as from his own knowledge of American Affairs in general 
and those of Virg^ & Mary^ in particular, is exceeding able to 
give your Lordship the fullest Information to any Questions you 
may propose. And should your Lordship have Occasion to 
employ him, you will find him a Man of Ability ; and willing to 
do His Majesty any Service. Leaving a comfortable Estate, and 
a good (Living) to avoid persecution here, I hope that from the 
different Recommendations he carries with him, he may procure 
at home some Church Preferment equal to his Merit. 

I shall conclude with informing your Lordship that I propose 
to continue here as long as I can be of the least Service to His 
Majesty, unless driven away or in danger of being seized as an 
Hosts^. Boucher can communicate some Inducements I had to 
COTie away some time ago and my doubts thereon, which yet 
remain. To-morrow is the last day of Our Ports remaining 
Open. So that exe! by a few Ships yet to go, we shall have few 
Opportunities of writing. Your Lordships Dispatches by the 
June pacquet were opened before I received them — and if they 
had contained any thing, (besides the late Acts, with the Letter 
on, and Order for Mourn? for the Q"? of Denmark) it was 
taken out. 

I am, with great Kespect, My Lord, 
Your LordshPf Obed? & very hum. Serv^ 

RoW Eden. 

(private) Annapolis If Oct! 1775 

My Lord 

When I last had the Honour of writing to your Lordship, I 
informed you of my having received your Lordships Letter, with 
the Acts of Parliament relative to America, and the Orders for 
Mourning for the late Queen of Denmark, by the June Packet, 
which, I told your Lordship had been opened before it got to this 
City. The July Packet is since arrived, but brought no Govern- 
ment Dispatches for this Province. 

I had the Honour, in my Letter, by the Ship Annapolis, to 
enclose to your Lordship the proceedings of the late Convention, 



with some Kemarks thereon : and also an Address to the people 
of Maryland on the proposed Association therein, which I wished 
much to publish, but was dissuaded from it by the Council. 
Feariug, from the bad weather that Ship met with, carrying away 
all her Masts, and being nearly lost herself at Sea, that my Let- 
ters may by the Water be damaged, if not totally defaced, I 
inclose to Your Lordship another Copy of the Convention pro- 
ceedings, as also a duplicate of the proceedings in Council on the 
29*? Aug? begging Leave at the same time to refer your Lordship 
to my information by the Choptank Frigate, since whose Sailing 
nothing extraordinary has happened here, except that, in Conse- 
quence of a Pilot Boat belonging to this City having been seized, 
for having Swivels on board, & other Causes, by the King- 
Fisher, about ten days ago, at the Capes, some few, but a very 
few, of the most violent here, made an Attempt, on Wednesday 
last, the 27*? Ult*! to collect the people of the City together, in 
Order to drive, or cart, out of the Town all the Tories, as they 
term those who will not muster, nor sign the Association. They 
were, I believe, partly incited to this by a Publication, that came 
down oa Tuesday Night, (the same Evening they recieved the 
Account of the Seizure of Middletons Boat) in a Pennsylvania 
Paper, Bradfords Journal — which I have enclosed to Mf W^ 
Eden ; who will send it to Your Lordship, should you not have 
got it, and wish to see it, together with some other weekly papers. 
I must however do the Gentlemen of the Town, & the Citizens, 
the Justice to say that, on my speaking to many of them, and 
desiring their Attendance, they made a Point of being present at 
the meeting under Liberty Tree, and with Spirit, Resolution and 
Threats of Force, totally overset a mad-headed Scheme, set on 
foot by only eight or nine very worthless idle Fellows, and I hope 
have put an End to any future internal Attempts of a similar 
Nature in this City. — The Publication, My Lord, in the Journal 
that I refer to, begins the 3^ Col. of the first page and relates to 
the late violent proceedings at Philadelphia respecting Mess? 
Hunt & Kearsley, of which your Lordship, doubtless has recieved 
a full Account : since that, and since the above ment^ Publica- 
tion, I hear that above twenty Companies in Philadelphia have 
f^ssociated ipi Opposition to that Tar & Fathering Committee. 


Which in all the Colonies will soon be the Case, for by this 
Suspensioiij as it were, of the Laws, All power is getting fast 
into the Hands of the very lowest of the People. Those who 
first encouraged the Opposition to Government, and set these on 
this licentious Behaviour, will probably be amongst the first to 
repent thereof 

I understand from Philadelphia that the intercepted Letters 
from some Members of the Congress which have fallen into 
General Gage's Hands, have made a disturbance there, and it is 
said that Adams's Letter has discovered the long suspected Views 
of the Eastern Colonies, which, with his Eeflections on, and 
abuse of, Mf Jn° Dickinson (the Farmerys Conduct, is likely to 
produce a Division in the Congress, but I beg leave to observe. 
My Lord, that I give not this as Matter of Fact : The Informa- 
tion came down in a private Letter from Phil^ yesterday — and it 
is here the important Whisper of the Day ; and I only merely 
take the Liberty, in my private Correspondence with your Lord- 
ship, of mentioning it, as a Matter that may, or may not, be true. 

I shall only have one more Opportunity by Shipping Con- 
veyance, of writing to your Lordship after the post comes in on 
Tuesday next, and I have before observed, the packet is a very 
unsafe Conveyance to America, and I can hardly suppose it 
otherwise from hence. I will, however, continue to give your 
Lordship such Information as may be in my Power for the good 
of His Majesty's Service, which it will ever be my Endeavour to 
promote to the utmost of my Abilities. 

I have only to add that receiving no Instructions from Home, 
and waiting for the same, and the breaking up of the Congress, I 
have prorogued the General Assembly of this Province to Tues- 
day, 7*? Day of Nov^ next. 

I am 

My Lord 

With great Eespect 
Your Lordships 
most obedient 

& very humble Servt! 

Eob* Eden. 

To The Earl of Dartmouth Sec^ of Si for the Coll 



Eden to Lord George Germain. 

Annapolis, 25^ January 1776. 

My Lord^ 

The Delegates (of Maryland) in provincial Convention, as they 
stile themselves, having entered into some Resolves, of which I 
have procured Copies, I think it incumbent upon me to transmit 
them to your Lordship as speedily as possible, and therefore send 
this Packet by Express to New York, in hopes that it will arrive 
safely there, and be forwarded thence, there being no opportunity 
of a conveyance by any Vessel from this Province at present ; 
tho I have some expectation of being able to send a duplicate of 
this by a Brig for London, in the course of the ensuing month. 

The enclosed Declaration (N^ 3) I am informed is to be imme- 
diately published — so I have since heard are the Instructions 
(N^i 2) but I know not if here, or at Philadelphia. 

I am convinced of the sincerity of the Councils Assurances 
contained in their Address to me the 29*? day of August — a 
Copy of which I have had the Honour of transmitting to your 
Lordship, and again refer thereto among the inclosed 4) and, 
I must, my Lord, do the Members of the last Convention as they 
call it, and the People of this Province the Justice to say, I am 
satisfied they are as far from desiring an Independency that if 
the Establishment of it were left to their Choice, they would 
reject it with Abhorrence, so incompatible would such a State be 
with their real undissembled Attachment to, and Affection for 
His Majesty, His Family, and the mother Country : And I am 
confident they would esteem the full Restoration of Peace, and 
their former Intercourse with the Parent State, to be a most 
happy Event ; an Event which, I doubt not, might be effectually 
produced, if they were replaced in the same State with respect to 
the Acts of Parliament that they possessed at the Condusion of 
the last War. 

My Station and Eesidence here affording me opportunities of 
Information, in Justice to the people of this Province, as well as 
by the Duty & Eegard I owe to my King, and native Country, I 



think myself obliged to make this candid and faithfull Eepresenta- 
tion of their Principles and Sentiments, and shall be supremely 
happy in any pleasing prospect of Success attending every Exer- 
tion in my power to bring about an happy Reconciliation between 
Great Britain & her Colonies, to the joint Honour and Welfare 
of both. 

I am sorry to have occasion to Apologize for the passage of 
His Majesty's post through this Province having been stopped by 
order of the Convention — I can only say on that Head, My Lord, 
that I have reason to think those concerned therein, are since 
sorry for it. Their real Excuse is that it happened early on the 
Meeting of the Convention, before several of the most moderate 
Men were come up, and was resolved upon, when the Minds of 
the People were extremely agitated by Lord Dunmore^s Proclama- 
tion, giving Freedom to the Slaves in Virginia, our Proximity 
to which Colony, and our similar Circumstances with respect to 
Negroes augmenting the general Alarm, induced them to prohibit 
all Correspondence with Virginia by Land or Water. A Fort- 
night before that, the Post had been stopped in another Province, 
and Letters taken out, and opened ; mine amongst others ; and I 
have not had the Honour of receiving any Letters from your 
Lordships Office since your circular one of the 22^ & 
PownalPs of May the 27*^ 

You will observe, my Lord, by the enclosed Paper (N^ 5) 
that the Corporation of this City are willing to cooperate with 
me in preserving its Peace, should any of His Majesty^s Ships of 
War arrive here I hope they will continue in that Disposition, 
and it shall be my Endeavour to strengthen it throughout the 
Province, as earnestly as it is to persevere in my Duty to my 
Sovereign, and promote that Tranquility which abler heads than 
mine will, I hope, before Midsummer, point out the path leading 
to the Recovery of restoring Happiness to Millions — which soon 
to see is the sincere Widi of 

My Lord, Your Lordships 

most respectful 
and most obedient hrunble Serv? 

EoW Eden. 



[This letter encloses : — 

2. Instructions to Delegates of Maryland Convention, 12 Jan. 1776. fo. 463. 
N? 3. Declaration of Delegates 18 Jan. 1776. fo. 471. 

4. Maryland Minutes of Council, 29 August 1775. fo. 477. 
N? 5, Minutes of meeting of Citizens of Annapolis ef 30 Oct^ & ^eir Atoeifi 
to the Governor. Nov. 1775. fo. 485.] 

Lord George Germain to Eden. 

Kew Lane 7'? September 1776 

Deputy Gov' Eden. 

It is with the greatest satisfaction that I can acquaint you 
with the King's entire Approbation of your conduct whilst you 
remained in Maryland, & supported the Authority of a Governor 
under difficulties which were thought here to be unsurmountable ; 
when your staying there was no longer practicable, the judicious 
manner in which you left the Province does you equal honour. 
His Majesty not satisfied with laying his Commands upon me to 
express in this manner His Eoyal Approbation is pleased, as a 
public mark of His Favour, to create you a Baronet. It is with 
particular pleasure that I signify this to you, and at the same time 
I cannot omit the opportunity of assuring you that I shall on all 
Occasions be ready to do justice to your Merits, 

I am &c * 

Geo: Germain. 

Eden to Lord George Germain. 

Downing Street Septf 1776 

My Lord, — 

His Majesty^s entire Approbation of my Conduct in Maryland, 
which I had the Honour to be informed of by your Lordships 
very obliging Letter this Morning, affects me very sensibly ; and 
I beg leave to assure Your Lordship that I recieve the Distinc- 
tion which His Majesty is pleased to confer on me, with the most 
respectfull gratitude. 


His Majesty^s Service my Heart having long been warmly 
attached, and firmly engaged to, And Life employed in, This 
Favour can only add Gratitude to zeal, in my future Endeavours 
to promote the same, to the utmost of my Abilities, on every 
Occasion wherein His Majesty may think proper to employ me. 

Be pleased, My Lord, to accept my sincerest Thanks for the 
singularly polite and obliging Manner m which your Lords? has 
been pleased to communicate to me His Majestys pleasure; and 
for your favourable Opinion and Representation of my past Con- 
duct. I shall only add that to merit the Continuance of your 
Lordships Esteem shall be the Endeavour of, My Lord, 

Your Lordships most respectfull 

& obliged humble Servant 

RoW Eden. 

To The R* Honble L^ G. Germain. 

Extract of a Letter from Mf Eddis to 
Govy Eden. New York 23^ July 1777, 

The temper of the leading men in Maryland, still continues to 
be guided by a Spirit of Rancour and Violence ; they appear 
confident of succeeding in their favorite Scheme of Independence, 
& of establishing their own Importance on the Ruins of the British 
Constitution; but if Conclusions may be drawn from favorable 
Appearances, the Majority of the People are disgusted with the 
Conduct of their Rulers, and ardently wish for a Restoration of 
legal Government. 

In the late Election for Senators & Assembly men a striking 
Evidence appeared of the above Observation ; several who were 
chosm into the first Body declined serving, and when their 
Number was compleated, the lower House waited several days, 
unable to proceed to Business, on account of the Absence of divers 
Senators, whom fear, or Consciousness of their Error, kept from 
the Scene of Action. 

The Assembly men were returned by a very inconsiderable 
number of the People, a plain Indication that the Inhabitants in 



general were disgusted with the Measures pursued. S. Chaoe & 
I. Brice were elected for Annapolis by three Voters only^ viz.^ 
Cha? Wallace John Ducket & Woodcock the Musician. Jere. 
Chace and John Smith were sent for the town of Baltimore by 
about 50 Votes ; and not 100 Persons polled for the whole 
County, notwithstanding the Books were kept open for that pur- 
pose four Days. The other Counties proceeded in the same 
manner, & the Persons returned, were in general so very obscure, 
that even S. Chace observed that Six Gmtkmenlihe Persons could 
not be found in the Catalogue. 

The Eastern Shore has for some time much suspected of the 
high Crime of Toryism, & in February last a Report prevailed 
that many Persons in Somerset & Worcester Counties were 
actually in Arms. General Smallwood at the head of about 500 
men, with a Company of Artillery, crossed the Bay in order to 
reduce them to Obedience, & issued a Proclamation which I have 
inclos'd for your Excellency's Perusal, 

Before Mf Smallwood^s arrival at the Place where an Opposi- 
tion was expected, the People were dispersed, and on Inquiry it 
appeared that a Dispute between the Churchmen and the Dis- 
senters had given Eise to this Commotion. That altho' a Flag 
with G. E. had been raised by the former, 'the Insurgents had 
been almost altogether unarmed, & probably only meant to oppose 
the vindictive Eepublican Spirit of their Presbyterian Neigh- 
bours. It was however thought necessary to strike at the Eoot 
of any Attempts that might be formed to disturb the Establish- 
ment of their State, Accordingly many Persons were appre- 
hended, & sent to Annapolis for Trial; Others who were sus- 
pected were obliged to take Oaths of Allegiance, and, in Appear- 
ance, before their Troops left that part of the Province, the 
dreaded Insurrection was efifectually suppressed. The Eev^ M^ 
Bouic was banished soon after to Frederick County, but D^ Cheney 
was reserved for a formal Trial, which he had not received while 
I remained in the Country. 

The Bill passed for Payment of Sterling Debts with Congress 
and Convention Money will be attended with the most distress- 
ing Consequences to many Persons, ©specially to the friaid^ of 



Government, who have large sums upon loan. Several of the 
Senate^ whether from Prineiple or Interest, I know not^ expressed, 
without Doors, their highest Disapprobation of this Act, but only 
Carol of Carolton had resolution to oppose it in the proper Place. 
He animadverted on the Injustice thereof^ & protested against 
the same being passed into a Law ; but his Objections procured 
him no great Reputation as it was generally believed that he was 
not altogether actuated by Sentiment alone. 

The Assessment Bill which your Excellency will observe to be 
exceedingly oppressive, with respect to the Mode of collecting, as 
well as the enormous Tax itself, has created the utmost Discon- 
tent throughout the Province, and I verily think will conduce in 
the end to the Confusion of the Framers, and open the Eyes of 
the misguided Multitude to see, & to pursue, their proper In- 

The Bill to prevent the Growth of Toryism in its original 
State was rigid to a violent degree ; but met with such Opposition 
in the Upper House, that, after being carried backwards & for- 
wards several times, it at length passed in the present form. Col. 
Plater, Joseph Nicholson, and Turbot Wright were for admitting 
the Bill without Alteration. 

You know, Sir, it has long been popular in this Country to 
exclaim against Administration on account of the number of 
OfiBcers, and the Salaries, Fees &c. granted for their Support; 
but most true it is, that exclusive of Army & Navy Appoint- 
mmis, the Persons now employed, greatly, very greatly exceed 
every former Establishment, and if their Paper can be supposed 
of any real Value, the present Rulers most amply reward the 
Labourers in their Vineyard. How the Planter and the Farmer, 
who suffer every degree of Want & Inconvenience from this 
unnatural War, can submit so tamely to the Rapacity of their 
despotic Leaders, is an astonishing Reflection ; but that they have 
submitted in the most abject manner, the inclosed List of Arti- 
cles, with their Prices, will sufficiently evince. 

In framing Mf Johnson's Council some Difficulties arose. 
Divers Persons wjio were chosen declined the honor intended 
tfcfetn, notwithstanding the Allowance made for their Service 



greatly exceeded former Custom. The Gentlemen who at length 
accepted are^ Col. Lloyd, Major Sim, Tho. Sim Lee, John 
Rogers & a Poke of the Eastern Shore. In days of old the 
utmost Interest was requisite to procure a very moderate Support, 
but in these disinterested times the greatest Offices of State are 
rejected by the majority of Persons to whom they have been 
offered. After My HoUiday and Others had refused the Depart- 
ment of Chancellor, Mf Rich? Sprig was prevailed on to act in 
that Station, until a Gentleman could be found better qualified 
to discharge the important Duties thereof. He accordingly, for 
some time before I left Maryland, signed and sealed all Civil & 
Military Commissions, issued in the Name of that State, which, 
as it immediately succeeded the modelling of their Government, 
were very numerous. 

The Post of Attorney General has been offered to M' Jenings, 
but he had not accepted when I quitted the Province. He had, 
however, in his Capacity as Mayor, taken the Oaths required by 
the new Constitution. Whatever were his Motives, his Com- 
pliance gave Pain to many of his friends. 

M^ Johnson issued his Proclamation for the Assembly to meet 
on the 11*? June, and it was expected that much Business would 
be transacted during the Sitting. S. Chace, who continues inde- 
fatigable in the grand Cause of Sedition, had been employed 
previous to their Meeting in framing a Bill to apply the Quit- 
Rents, and other Public Funds, to the Support of Rebellion, and 
it was the general Opinion he would carry his Point with a high 
hand, and I make not the least doubt, unless they are intimidated 
by some Capital Success attending His Majesty^s Arms, they will 
speedily proceed to the Confiscation of Estates and Property 
belonging to Absentees, & others, attached to the British Con- 

M' Dulany^s Situation has at times been exceedingly disagree- 
able. At Baltimore, Himself, his Lady and Daughter, with 
several of his Friends, were very grossly insulted by the Whig 
Club, who ordered them to leave the Town immediately, and the 
Province within three days, or their Lives should answer for their 
Rrfusal, These Gentry, for a CoMiderafele time, took upon thesi- 


selves to issue their Mandates, and to expel in a former Manner 
any person or persons whose political Sentiments they were 
pleased to disapprove. Above three Months they supported their 
Authority without Opposition, banished divers Inhabitants of the 
Town, and it was with difficulty this formidable Legion were at 
length reduced to Moderation, by a vigorous Exertion of thdr 
legislative Authority. 

Annapolis has assumed a very difiFerent Appearance since Your 
Excellency left it. They have formed a Battery from Mf Walter 
Dulany^s Lot round the Water^s Edge to the Granary adjoining 
your Garden; The Cannon are mostly 18 Pounders, the Works 
appear strong, & I am told are so. From your Wharf to the Hill 
where Callihome lived, they have thrown up a covered way to 
communicate with that part of the Town adjacent to the Dock. 
They have another Fortification on HilFs Point, & a Third on 
My Ker's Land, on the North Side of Severn, on a high Cliff 
called Beaumont's Point. Three Companies of Artillery are sta- 
tioned at the respective Forts, and in spite of Experience they 
talk confidently of making a vigorous Resistance in Case of an 

At Baltimore they have fortified Whetstone's Point, of the 
Strength of which they boast much. They have sunk several 
Vessels in the Channel, and a Chain is placed across the Harbor. 
A Frigate, mounting 36 Guns, and called the Virginia, has been 
built at the said Place, the Command of which is given by Con- 
gress to Nicholson, and a Mf Cook, related to Mf Johnson, is 
promoted into the Defence, besides the above Ships, they have 
fitted out several Galleys which make a formidable Appearance, 
but, I am well assured, can be of little Service except in smooth 
Water at the Entrance of Riv^s. A very great part of the 
Troops lately raised in Maryland are Convicts and Servants, in 
consequence of an Act " that Persons under Indentures and 
had only a limited Season to serve, were at liberty to enlist, their 
Masters being paid in Proportion to the Residue of their time." 
This plan though it procured them many Recruits, greatly pre- 
judiced their Cause, numbers of the Men so raised seizing every 
Occasion to desert, so that Orders have been issued to be par- 



ticularly guarded how Persons under such Circumstances are 
received into the American Service. 

The Mortality which has prevailed among the Provincial 
Troops is incredible. A vast number of those raised in Maryland 
brought back with them the Camp Fever, & deed prodigiously 
fast. The Church Yard, the Back of the Poor House and a Piece 
of Land which is inclosed in the Folly, are crowded with melan- 
choly Proofs of Calamity. Medicines there are little or None in 
the Country, and every Appearance seems plainly to indicate the 
most dreadful of all Punishments, War, Pestilence and Famine. 

Previously to the unhappy Affair at Trenton the general Dis- 
position of the Colonies tended towards a Reconciliation with 
Great Britain on almost any terms. In Maryland the Persons 
attached to Government began to breathe with Freedom, and the 
precipitate Retreat of the Congress to Baltimore was universally 
expected to be succeeded by an immediate Acquisition of Phila- 
delphia, but the Surprize of the Hessian Post, however trifling it 
might have been thought in a regular War, was attended with the 
most prejudicial Consequences to His Majesty's Arms. It gave 
Spirits to the Demagogues, recruited their Forces and enabled 
their Leaders to magnify in the most exaggerating terms, the 
amazing Advantages that would arise from this unexpected 

The Congre^ soon after returned in a kind of Triumjdi to 
_ their usual Rendezvous. 

[This extract is enclosed by William Eden to W? Knox, 
10 September 1777. folio. 5.] 



Frederick M. Colston. 

When Napoleon abdicated on April 4th, 1814 (which ended 
England^s war with France) the British Government determined 
upon a more vigorous f rosecuticHi of the war with the United 

They decided to employ the seasoned and victorious troops 
of Wellington which had gone through the campaigns of the 
Peninsula, and had marched to Bord^^ux on their way through 
France. i 

With this army, Wellington said that he could " go anywhere 
and do anything." 

And after Waterloo, he said : If I had the army which we 
broke up at Bordeaux, the battle would not have lasted for four 

Four brigades were designated for this movement, of which 
three were sent to Canada, and one to a Southern campaign, 
which latter was placed under the command of General Sir Robert 
Ross, a soldier of distinction and high character, who had served 
in Holland, Fgypt and the Peninsula, where he was badly 
wounded in the battle of Orthes, and who was made a Major- 
General after Vittoria. 

The object of this Southern campaign was stated by the Earl 
of Liverpool, Prime Minister, in a despatch of September 27th, 
1814, to the Duke of Wellington, who was then at Paris, as 
follows : — 

My Dear Duke: — I have sent you the * Extraordinary 
Gazette ' of this day, with the very satisfactory account of the 
operations of our army and navy upon the coasts of America, 
by the destruction of the American flotilla and the capture and 
occupaticm for a time of the city of Wa@hingkm. ... I rejoice 


mjlbyla:^ mmmMicAL maqamme. 

to say likewise that Sir A. A. Cochran, General Ross and Ad- 
miral Cockbum are very sanguine about their future operations. 
They intend, on account of the season, to proceed in the first 
instance to the northward and to occupy Rhode Island, where 
they propose remaining and living upon the country until about 
the first of November. They will then proceed again southward, 
destroy Baltimore, if they should find it practicable without too 
much risk, occupy several important points on the coast of 
Georgia and the Carolinas, take possession of Mobile in the 
Floridas^ and close the camfmign with an attack upon New 

A London paper declared that ^^the truculent inhabitants of 
Baltimore must be tamed with the weapons which shook the 
wooden turrets of Copenhagen." 

Baltimore had been called ^^a nest of pirates," because the 
Baltimore privateers had inflicted much damage upon the British 
commerce,- and hence the strong hostility against the city. 
• General Ross sailed from Bordeaux on June 1st, and arrived 
at Bermuda on July 24th. Thence he started on his campaign 
in the Chesapeake and the capture of Washington followed. 

The information that the enemy was ascending the Bay towards 
Baltimore was received on Saturday, September 10th, and the 
next morning the squadron, some 40 or 50 ships, including trans- 
ports, was seen at the mouth of the Patapsco. But warned by 
the example of Washington and animated by a proper spirit 
Baltimore had not been idle. On Sanday, August 27th, the 
citizens were called upon by a Committee of Vigilance and 
Safety to aid in the erection of works for the defense of the city, 
which was promptly respmded to, and the works were begun on 
that day. 

A single instance will show the spirit that prevailed : The late 
Mr. Samuel W. Smith, of Park Street, Baltimore, a nephew of 
Gen. Smith, and then a lad of 12 years of age, being missed from 
his home, a search was made for h5m, and he was found in the 
intrenchments, with a shovel, diligently engaged in the work. 

Major-General Smith, a Revolutionairy officer, commanded the 



forces, which were composed entirely of militia, with the excep- 
tion of a squadron of U. S. Dragoons. 

The line of intrenehments commenced on the harbor, west of 
the mouth of Harris^ Creek, and was continued thence in a 
slightly northwest direction to and on Hanipstead Hill to a point 
on what is now East Madison Street, a short distance east of the 
Johns Hopkins Hospital and about where St. Andrcw^s Catholic 
Church now stands. Thence the line went almost directly west 
to what is uow Broadway, where the finished line euded, but 
there was a detached work Avest of Broadway and another ane 
on McKim's Hill on the east side of the York Eoad (now Green- 
mount Avenue) and just south of the present Cemetery 3 and 
a further one about where Broadway now crosses Gay Street. 
One of the principal redoubts, Rodgers^, is still visible in Patter- 
son Park, through which the line of works passed. 

Anticipating the landing of the enemy. General Strieker, who 
had served with credit in the Eevolution as a captain, with a 
part of the Third Brigade was ordered by General Smith to march 
on Sunday evening out the Philadelphia Road to Long-log Lane 
(now the North Point Road) and at 8 p. m. he reached the ground 
on whieh the battle was fought the next <hiy, and on which the 
night was passed. 

The ground was well chosen, with the right resting on Bear 
Creek and the left near Bread and Cheese Creek ; the first being 
an arm of the Patapsco and the second of Back River, — ^a total 
distance of about one mile. No intrenehments or defenses of any 
sort were thrown up. General Strieker reports that his force was 
composed of 5th, 6th, 27th, 39th and 51st Regiments. 

These regiments were not organized and equipped as regiments 
of the Militia, or National Guard, are now, but were composed 
of separate companies (as was the custom before the Civil War), 
some of whieh were uniformed and drilled, but others were merely 
enrolled and appeared in their citizen^ s clothes, and some members 
even wore their silk hats in the field. 

One company each from York, Hanover and Marietta, Penna., 
and one from Hagerstown, were incorporated in these regiments 
— all the rest were from Baltimore. 



In forming the line Lieut.-Col. Henry Amey of the 51st 
Regiment was directed to form his regiment on the extreme left 
at a right angle with the main line. This was in conformity 
with the topography ; but in attempting that formation the regi- 
ment got into confusion, owing, it is said, to the incapacity of 
the commanding officer. This was rectified by the exertions of 
the staff officers ; but it is likely that the regiment became 
" rattled at the exhibition of the incompetency of the command- 
ing officer, for it was this regiment which gave way when the 
attack was made. It is only a staunch regiment that will stand 
in line under fire when it has lost confidence in its commanding 

The line was composed of the 5th, 27th, 39th and 61st Regi- 
ments, the 6th being held in reserve on Perego^s Hill on the 
North Point Road, about one mile in the rear of the line of 
battle, which provided for the contingency which called forth the 
withdrawal of the American forces. 

General Strieker reports that his entire force was 3185 men ; 
but deducting the reserve and allowing for the defection of the 
51st Regiment and part of the 39th, the battle was fought by 
only about 1700 men. 

On Monday morning, the 12th, General Strieker got word 
about 7 a. m. that the enemy were landing at North Point and 
immediately made preparation to receive them. But as they did 
not appear, he sent out an advanced guard, composed of three 
companies, about 220 men, with one four pounder, and the 
cavalry. It encountered the British advance unexpectedly, and a 
skirmish followed, which became so lively that General Ross rode 
forward to see what it meant, and received his mortal wound. 
The story that General Ross was shot by a man in a tree is a 
myth. It was current at the time, but a contemporary account 
states that as the advanced forces came unexpectedly into contact, 
there was neither time nor motive for climbing trees. An account 
published in 1817 by a British Sergeant, who was Chief of 
Couriers at General Ross' headquarters, states that in the advance 
three men were discovered, one of whom was in a peach tree 
gathering the fruit j he jilmped from the tree and all three fired 



simultaneously and General Ross was killed by that fire. The 
skirmish line of the British fired and the three men were all 
killed beneath the tree where they were first discovered. It was 
fi3und upon examination that the guns were loaded with buckshot 
and ball cartridges. On August 11th, 1846, Mr. Henry R. 
Wilson, of Baltimore, was at an inn at the Giants^ Causeway, 
Ireland, and met a gentleman who told him that he was an aide- 
de-camp to General Ross at this battle and that the General was 
killed by a musket-ball and buckshot. Nor was he killed by 
Wells and McComas who were not in that advanced party. 

The British landed on the Patapsco River a short distance 
north of North Point, and marched about 7 a. m. on a road 
leading from the shore to tlie North Point Road, where they took 
possession of an unfinished line of works between Humphrey's 
Creek and Back River, which had been thrown up by our forces 
previous to the arrival of the British, but which had not been 
occupied. This line was afterwards used by them to cover their 
embarkation. Here the enemy rested about an hour, and it was 
at this time that General Strieker, anxious to develop their move- 
ment, sent out the advanced guard as mentioned above, which, 
he says, was to give evidence of my wish for a general engage- 
ment." The British column was composed of the 4th, 21st, 44th 
and 85th Regiments, 2nd and 3rd Battalions of the Royal 
Marines, the Marines from the squadron, detachments of the 
Royal Artillery, and Royal Marine Artillery, a brigade of 
seamen (600 men) armed with small arms, and the colonial black 
marines, with 6 field pieces and 2 howitzers. 

The American reports state that between 7,000 and 9,000 
British forces were landed, but^only about 4,000 were actually 
engaged in the battle of the 12th. 

General Ross was accompanied by Admiral Cockburn, who 
afterwards carried Napoleon to St. Helena on the Northumberland, 

The British patrol brought in as prisoners three light horse- 
men, "young gentlemen belonging to a corps of volunteers, 
furnished by the town of Baltimore," who were questioned by 
General Ross, and told him that 20,000 men were embodied for 
the defense of Baltimore. To this General Ross is reported to 



have said that he did not eare if it rained militia." Gleig, in 
his "Narrative/^ says that General Eoss's advance to Washington 
was slow, but rapid and cautious to Baltimore. G. R. Gleig was 
an officer in the 85th Regiment, who afterwards entered the 
ministry and became Chaplain-General to the British Army. He 
was a familiar friend of the Duke of Wellington, his home 
being near Strathfieldsaye. He lived until 1888, being then 92 
years old. 

After their rest at Gorsuch^s ferm, Gleig says, the column 
moved forward, and hearing the firing which told them that their 
advanced guard was engaged, "the ranks were closed and the 
troops advanced at a brisk rate, and in profound silence. . . . 
We were now drawing near the scene of action, when another 
oflficer came at full speed towards us, with horror and dismay in 
his countenance and calling loudly for a surgeon." The surgeon^ s* 
services were needed for General Boss, who died before he could 
be carried to the shore. Col. Brook, of the 44th Regiment, 
succeeded to the command. This officer had served in Flanders; 
Egypt and the Peninsula, where he commanded a brigade under 

Col. Brook "ordered the necessary dispositions for a general 
attack,^^ The order of battle was arranged by Lieut. Evans, 
afterwards Sir DeLacy Evans, a very distinguished officer of the 
British Army. " The light brigade consisting of the 85th Regi- 
ment and the light companies of the other corps, in extended 
order, threatened tlie whole front of the American Army. The 
21st remained in column upon the road ; tiie 4th moved off to 
the right and advanced through a thicket to turn the enemy^s 
left, and the 44th, the seamen and marines, formed line in rear 
of the light brigade." 

Gleig says : " A dreadful discharge of grape and canister shot, 
old locks, pieces of broken muskets, and everything which they 
could cram into their guns, was now sent forth from the whole of 
the enemy's artillery ' and some loss on our side was experienced. 
Regardless of this, our men went on without either quickening 
or retarding their pace, till they came within an hundred yards 
of the American lioe ; as yet not a musket had been fired, or a 



word spoken on either side, but tlie enemy, now raising a shout, 
fired a volley from right to left, and then kept up a rapid and 
ceaseless discharge of musketry. Nor were our people backward 
in replying to these salutes, for giving them back both their shout 
and their volley, we pushed on at a double quick, with the 
intention of bringing them to the charge. . . . Though they 
maintained themselves with great determination, and stood to 
receive our fire till scarcely twenty yards divided us, the Ameri- 
cans would not hazard a charge. On our left, indeed, where the 
21st advanced in column, it was not without much difficulty and 
a severe loss, that any attempt to charge could be made. . . , 
Towards the right however the day was quickly won.^^ And 
" as soon as their left gave way, the whole American Army fell 
into confusion, nor do I recollect on any occasion to have wit- 
nessed a more complete rout.^^ 

Col. Brook's report was dated on board H. M. S. Tennant, 
Chesapeake, Sept. 17th, 1814.^' After describing the topographi- 
cal features of the country, he reports his advance, and his arrange- 
ments for battle. This account does not differ from Gleig's 
" Narrative," which is more in detail and has been quoted above. 
He estimated the force opposed to him as about 6,000 men. 

He says, "In this order the signal being given, the whole of 
the troops advanced rapidly to the charge. In less than fifteen 
minutes, the enemy's force, being utterly broken and dispersed, 
fled in every direction over the country, leaving on the field two 
pieces of cannon, with a considerable number of killed, wounded 
aud prisoners. 

" The 4th Eegiment under Major Faunce, by a detour through 
some hollow ways, gained unperceived a lodgment close upon the 
enemy's left, and the enemy lost in this short but brilliant affair 
from five to six hundred in killed and wounded, which at the 
most moderate computation he is at least one thousand hors de 
oombat. The 5th Regiment of militia, in particular, has been 
represented as nearly annihilated." 

But the total loss of General Strieker's Brigade was 24 killed, 
.139 wounded and 50 prisoners, a total of 213. 



The British loss was 39 killed and 251 wounded. There were 
a considerable number of deserters from the British forces. 

The report of Col. Brook is noticeable for its exaggerations — : 
5 to 600 killed and wounded and 1,000 hors ds comhaJt turns out 
to be 213 in all. 

Instead of about six thousand the Americans had only 3,185, 
which was reduced to about fourteen hundred at the time of the - 
British charge. 

Only one gun was lost. 

The 5th Eegiment "nearly annihilated" lost 80 men out of 
550. The entire American force was less than 15,000, including 
all those in the different forts, batteries and gunboats, and not 
more than about 10,000 opposed to the British advance. 

General Strieker, after reporting the precipitate retreat of the 
51st Eegiment, which only delivered one random fire, says : 
"The enemy's Hue advanced about 10 minutes before 3 o^ clock, 
with a severe fire, which was well returned by the artillery, the 
whole 27th, the 5th, . . . and from the 1st battalion of the 
39th, who maintained its ground in despite of the disgraceful 
example set by the intended support on the left. The fire was 
incessant till about 15 minutes before 4 o^clock, when finding 
that my line, now 1400 strong, was insufficient to withstand the 
superior numbers of the enemy, and my left flank being exposed 
by the desertion of the 51st, I was constrained to order a move- 
ment back to the reserve regiment, under Colonel McDonald, 
which was well posted to receive the retired line, which mostly 
rallied well." 

No pursuit was made by the British. Col. Brook says : " The 
day being now far advanced, and the troops (as is always the case 
on the first march after disembarkation) much fatigued, we halted 
for the night on the ground of which the enemy had been dis- 

The position was not intended to be the one on which the main 
battle was to be fought. It could have been easily flanked by an 
unmolested landing anywhere north of the mouth of Bear Creek, 
which is about five miles below Fort McHenry. 

It was intended to harass and delay the enemy and to diow 



him that if he wanted to get Baltimore, he would have to fight 
for it. 

It accomplished more* than was hoped for or expected. The 
retreat from it had been planned. But for the defection of the 
61st Eegiment, the enemy would have been more seriously 
punished and delayed, and the only " disorderly rout " was the 
retreat of that regiment and a part of the line immediately adjoin- 
ing it. When the 51st and part of the 39th broke ranks and 
fled, the remainder of the line stood firm until ordered to retreat. 

Any experienced soldier knows that a retreat under fire from 
one position to another, even under orders, has the appearance of 
a rout. 

After General Strieker had rallied his forces on his reserve at 
Perego's Hill, he formed his brigade and awaited another attack, 
but the enemy did not pursue^ and finding that his right flank 
could be turned, he retired to Worthington Mill, where he spent 
the night of the 12th, and the next morning took post on the left 
of the main line of defences as previously arranged. 

The British Army advanced at daylight on the 13th, and at 
ten o^clock arrived in front of the American line. The right 
extended as far as the Belair Eoad, where it crosses Herring Run, 
where they occupied Furley ' Hall (the residence of William 
Bowly, now owned by the Corse estate) and also Surrey, then 
occupied by Colonel Sterrett ; and in both of these houses the 
British officers helped themselves very freely to stores and wines 
left there, and carried off some of the negro slaves. 

From this movement it was thought that the enemy was 
disposed to attack by the Harford and York Koads ; but the 
disposition of the American forces to meet this was prompt and 

They occupied Judge Kell^s house as headquarters, which was 
on an eminence just north of the Philadelphia Road, near the 
present Orangeville — and from an upper window the intrench- 
ments on Hampstead Hill were plainly visible and inspected by 
the British officers, the distance being a short two miles. 

Of this position Gleig says that certainly more science was 
displayed in the distribution of their forces along their principal 



position Here there were not only fortifications, but 

fortifications constructed in a scientific manner, and troops drawn 
up in such order as that, even without their works, many cross 
fires would have protected their front/^ And^ " It now appeared 
that the corps which we had beaten yesterday was only a detach- 
ment, and not a large one, from the force collected for the defence 
of Baltimore." 

Brook says : During the evening, however, I received a 
communication from the Commander in Chief of the land forces, 
by which I was informed that in consequence of the entrance to 
the harbor being closed up by vessels sunk for that purpose by 
the enemy, a naval co-operation against the town and camp was 
found impracticable." 

But this was after tlie day's bombardment of Fort McHenry, 
and that, and not the sunken vessels, caused the impracticability 
of the co-operation. 

He continues : " It was agreed between the Vice-Admiral and 
myself that the capture of the town would not have been a 
sufiicient equivalent to the loss which might probably be sus- 
tained in storming the heights. Having formed this resolution, 
after compelling the enemy to sink upwards of twenty vessels in 
different parts of the harbor, causing the citizens to remove 
almost the whole of their property to places of more security 
inland, obliging the Government to concentrate all the military 
force of the surrounding States, harassing the militia, and forcing 
them to collect from many remote districts, causing the enemy to 
burn a valuable rope walk, with other public buildings, in order 
to clear the glacis in front of their redoubts, besides having 
beaten and routed them in a general action, I retired on the 14th, 
three miles from the position which I had occupied, where I 
halted during some hours." 

This is in the nature of an explanation, or excuse, and it is a 
meagre result in place of various boasts and expectations. 

The capture of Baltimore, which was announced as part of the 
programme of the British Army and Navy, had been confidently 
expected. Vice-Admiral Warren declared "It is a doomed 
to^vn." and the Governor-General of Canada proposed that the 


public rejoicings at Montreal because of the capture of Wash- 
ington be postponed in order tiiat the fall of Baltimore might be 
celebrated at the same time. 

Some time after midnight of the 13th the British commenced 
their retreat, and re-embarked on the morning of the 15th, 

General Winder, with a brigade, was sent in pursuit, but 
owing to the fatigue of the troops no serious molestation was 
undertaken. The 3rd Brigade was not discharged from the 
service of the United States imtil November 18th, by a general 
order signed by "W. Scott," which says: "The Major-General 
in taking leave of this fine body of citizen- soldiers, who have 
done themselves and country so much honor, offers to them the 
thanks of the United States for their distinguished services." 

Much rain fell during the days of the campaign and the 
American troops were in the open and received their rations 
irregularly, but the behavior of the men was good, and the 
unwonted exposure was cheerfully borne. 

Lossing says : " The successful defense of Baltimore was hailed 
with great delight throughout the country, and trembling Phila- 
delphia and New York breathed freer." 

The effect of this failure, with the almost simultaneous one at 
Plattsburg, on the minds of the English Ministry is shown by 
the fact that, upon receipt of the news, it was proposed to send 
the Duke of Wellington himself to take the command in Amerim. 

The reports were received in London on October 17th, and on 
November 4th the Earl of Liverpool and Earl Bathurst both 
wrote to the Duke. The Earl of Liverpool says : The other 
idea which has presented itself to our minds is, that you should 
be appointed to the chief command in America," and presented 
arguments in favor of it. Earl Bathurst wrote in the same terms. 

The reply of the Duke to the Earl of Liverpool, dated Paris, 
November 7th, is as follows : 

" My Dear Lord — I have received your letters of the 4th and 
you will have seen by that which I wrote to Lord Bathurst on 
the same day that I feel no disinclination to undertake the 
American concern, but, to tell you the truth, I think that, under 



existing circumstances, you cannot at this moment allow me to 
quit Europe," 

On November 9th he wrote to the Earl as follows : 

" I have already told you and Lord Batiiurst that I feel no 

objection to going to America, though I do not promise to myself 

much success there/' 

On November 18th he wrote to the same : 
I have already told you that I have no objection to going to 
America, and I will go whenever I am ordered," 

On November 18th the Earl of Liverpool wrote to the Foreign 
Secretary, Visooimt Castlereagh : 

I send you a copy of my last letter to the Duke of Welling- 
ton. There has not been time to hear from him in reply, but I 
trust no further difficulty will occur respecting his leaving Paris, 
and the knowledge that he is to have the command in America, 
if the war continues, may be expected to produce the most favor- 
able effects/' 

The Earl wrote to Mr. Canning on December 28th, referring 
to communications which I had with the Duke of Wellington. 
He had agreed to take command of the army in the ensuing 
campaign if the war should continue, but he was particularly 
solicitous for peace, being fully satisfied that there was no vulner- 
able point of importance belonging to the United States which 
we could take and hold except New Orleans." 

The signing of the treaty of peace between England and the 
United States at Ghent on December 24th, 1814, of course put 
an end to the idea of the Duke's coming to the United States. 

The failure of the British campaign at Baltimore, and at 
Plattsburg, had a decided effect upon the terms of the treaty of 
Ghent in favor of the United States, The Commissioners were 
in session when the news was received on October 17th, in Lon- 
don, and there were yet two months of negotiation before the 
treaty was signed. 

Goulborn, one of the British Commissioners, wrote to Earl 
Bathurst on October 21st: ^^We owed the acceptance of our 



article respecting the Indians to the capture of Washington^ and 
if we had either burnt Baltimore or held Plattsburg, I believe 
we should have had peace on the terms you have sent to us in a 
month at latest. As things appear to be going on in America, 
the result of our negotiations may be very different/' 

A comparison of the instructions which the American Commis- 
sioners received on June 25th, 1814, as to terms, and what they 
got in December, especially on impressment, will show that some 
influence was at work to hold up their hands and increase their 

It was not the battle of New Orleans, for that was fought after 
the treaty was signed. 

A London paper of June 17th had said that the Naval and 
Military Commanders on the American Station carried with them 
"certain terms which will be offered to the American Govern- 
ment at the point of the bayonet." 

No history of any part of the War of 1812 would be complete 
without considering the attitude of New England during that 
time and which greatly affected the conduct of the war. 

As early as in 1808, Sir James Craig, Governor-General of 
Canada, employed John Henry as a confidential agent to go to 
New England and report on the feeling there prevalent. In 
February he wrote that after a few more months of the non-inter- 
course policy, the New England States would be ready to with- 
draw from the Confederation. In February, 1809, he wrote : 
"There is good ground at present to hope that the States of 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire and 
Vermont will resist every attempt of the French party to involve 
the United States in a war with Great Britain." Those who 
favored the war were called sometimes the French party because 
the opponents declared that a war with Great Britain necessarily 
involved an alliance with France. 

The English Ministry was of course kept advised of these 

It is unnecessary to quote here all the actions of the Legisla- 
tures and people of New England which were promptly made 



public in England, but only to record the effect upon the attitude 
of Great Britain. 

There was a policy of differentiation in the conduct of the mr 
between the North and the South. 

A British Order in Council of October 26th, 1812, clearly 
made a difference between the ^few Eugland and the Southern 
States in favor of the former. President Madison noticed this 
and called it a policy " having for its object to dissolve the ties 
of allegiance and the sentiments of loyalty in the adversary 
nation, and to seduce and separate its component parts, one from 
the other.^^ In other words, to encourage secession. 

On March 30th, 1813, the Prince Eegent issued a public 
notification of the blockade of ports from New York to New 
Orleans, but no mention was made of New England ports. 

From the tenor of the British despatches of the time it 
seems likely that peace would have been proposed before but 
for reliance upon that hostile spirit and the threatened secession 
of that section from the Union. 

Sir Henry Goulboum wrote to Earl Bathurst on October 21st, 
1814 (after referring to the operations at Baltimore and Platts- 
burg) : " Indeed if it were not for the want of fuel at Boston, I 
should be quite in despair." 

The Earl of Liverpool wrote to Viscount Castlereagh on 
December 23rd, 1814 : The disposition to separate on the part 
of the Eastern States may likewise frighten Madison, for if he 
should refuse to ratify the treaty, we must immediately propose 
to make a separate treaty with them, and we have good reason 
to believe that they would not be indisposed to listen to such a 

While the opposition of New England to the war was on 
economic grounds, the question which brought it to a head and 
led to the Hartford Convention was one of States' Rights." 
Massachusetts refused to put her troops under the command of a 
United States officer, and the Secretary of War then declined to 
pay those troops, whereupon a joint Committee of the Legislature 
of Massachusetts made a report on the subject and recommended 
a convention of delegates from sympathizing States which met at 


Hartford on December 15th, 1814,, and in which all the New 
England States were represented. 

No such question was raised in Maryland, because General 
Winder, a United States officer, held and exercised a command 
in this campaign. Niles^ Register says : ^^On the 10th of Septem- 
ber, Gen^l Winder was in Baltimore with all the forces of the 
10th Military District at his command.^^ 

In conclusion, the Battle of North Point saved Baltimore from 
a pre-determined fate ; it encouraged the rest of the country ; 
it, with Plattsburg, caused the English Ministry to suggest that 
the Duke of Wellington should take command in America and it 
influenced the terms of the treaty of Ghent in favor of the United 

Authorities consulted : — 

Official Eeports of Generals Smith and Strieker. 

" " C5olonel Brook and Admirals Cochrane and Cockbum. 

The Annual Register, London, for 1814. 

Niles' Register, Washington, for 1812, 1813 and 1814. 

Narrative of the Campaign of the British Army at Washington, Baltimore and New 

Orleans, hj G. E. Gleig. 
The Citizen-Soldiers at North Point and Fort McHenry, September 12th and 13^^, 

1814, published by N. Hickman, Baltimore. 
Bwpplemmtary Despatches of the Dvke of Weilmgton^ edited by the Second Duke. 

London, 1858. 9th volume. 
Official map of General Winder in the library of the Maryland Historical 


Manuscript Notes, by Wm. M. Marine. 

Field Book of the War of 1812, by Lossing. 
The Hartford Convention, by Dwight. 

The Cavxidim War of 1812, by Lucas. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1906. 


Henky F. Thompson. 

The Protestant Revolution of 1688, which ehanged the Govern- 
ment of England, and placed William and Mary on the throne, 
extended its influence over Maryland, and ended there by taking 
the Government from the Lord Proprietary and handing it over 
to the King and Queen. 

The first Royal Governor, Lionel Copley, called a meeting of 
the General Assembly at Saint Mary^s in June, 1692, and that 
Assembly passed an " Act for the service of Almighty God and 
the establishment of the Protestant Religion in this Province," 
which Act provided for the division of the Counties into Parishes, 
the choosing of " six of the most able men of the said respective 
Parishes to be a vestry for such Parish," the building of ehurches 
except where there were churches already built, and the levying 
of a Poll Tax for the support of the Establishment. 

Certain changes were made at different times in this Act, but 
in the main it was the law of the Province until the year 1776, 
when all connection between Church and State ceased, and the tax 
for the support of the Establishment was abolished. 

Thirty-one Parishes were laid out by "metes and bounds," and 
in them vestries were chosen, and churches built with more or 
less promptness, so that the beginning of the Parish Records is in 
1692, or about one hundred and fifty years after Thomas Crom- 
well, Viear-General of England, required that in all Parishes, 
Records should be kept not only of marriages, births said deaths, 
but of the proceedings of the vestries of the several Parishes* 

As these Records contain very often more than the mere men- 
tion of the marriage or birth, etc., they throw much light on the 
life and manners of the times, and this makes them of great interest 



to the student of history, while to the genealogist they are of 
inestimable value, in the tracing of pedigrees. 

It is therefore a subject of great regret, that so many of them 
should have been lost, through the carelessness of those who had 
charge of them, whether that carelessness was owing to a want of 
recognition of their value, or during and after the Revolutionary 
War to the feet that they were remnants of an aristocratic 

Some of them are in books ^^with parchment leaves," and 
naturally these have stood the wear and tear of years, better 
than those which being on paper, have been worn aad torn by 
frequent use. 

Entries are not made regularly and dates are very much mixed 
up, apparently because the entries were made from memory or 
from memoranda, at long intervals, and sometimes they are made 
after the death of the person mentioned, in order that a true record 
might be handed down of certain facts relating to the deceased, as 
the following extract from the Records of Saint Pete's Parish, 
Talbot County, June, 1811, shows, viz. : 

Samuel Chamberlain 3^ son of Samuel Chamberlain esquire, 
late of Saint Michaels Parish, Talbot County who was youngest 
son of Thomas Chamberlain of Sanghall near West Chester in 
Great Britain by his first wife, born 23 August 1742 — Baptised 
by Henry Nicols Rector of S^ Michaels — Confirmed by Bishop 
Clagett 26 May 1793, married 15 January 1772 to Henrietta 
Maria Holyday— Died 30 May 1811— Buried 1 June 1811." 

The first entries in these Records always b^in with the meeting 
of the Justices of the County, the fixing of the bounds of the Parish 
and the election and organization of the vestry. The vestrymen 
after taking an oath that they did not believe there was "any 
transubstantiation in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper or in the 
bread and wine at or after the consecration thereof," and the oath 
of allegiance " to William and Mary King and Queen of Great 
Britain," proceeded to the transaction of the business of the 

M^ures were taken for the building of a church, unless there 



was one already built, when it was repaired and improved, and 
among other things the vestry went "to view the clay" of which 
bricks were to be made, which proves, even with no other 
evidence on the subject, that in 1692, it was no new thing to make 
bricks in the Province, and that the ^' Churches built of imported 
bricks" are fictions. 

Sometimes regular accounts of the receipts and expenditures 
are to be found, and the cost of building the church or repairing 
the old one, the expense of clearing the ground and caring for the 
church, tolling the bell, etc., etc., are all stated, generally in 
tobacco, but sometimes in pounds, chillings and pence, as in All 
Faiths Parish in Saint Mary's County^ where was paid in 1693 
" for Horses for bringing the Minister and his Lady from Saint 
Marys [about 25 miles] £1. 07/" and on the same day for ^'bring- 
ing his [the Rector's] goods from Saint Marys, ' 400 fibs of 

There was also paid for a Record Book and Register Book 
with parchment leaves, 500 lbs Tobacco " and for a " Chest for 
Keeping the books, 12/." 

It was not only tobacco and pounds, shillings and pence, which 
formed the currency used by the inhabitants of the Province ; for 
the various kinds of money in circulation are shown by the returns 
of the collections taken up in the several Parishes in compliance 
with a proclamation of the Governor of Maryland, calling for help 
for the sufferers by the fire in Boston in 1760. 

Iq Saint MidhaePs Parish in Talbot County, there were 

72 guineas 

2 Double Livres 
3J Pistoles 
2 J Johannes 
119 Pieces of eight 
Sterling silver and 
paper Cash 
18 Copper pieces 
4 Pistareens, 



all valued at £195. 9/ 8J currency, equal to about £120. sterling, 
which was a generous contribution, but it must have taken some 
reflection to decide on the value of the many different pieces o£ 
money. Besides these coins, there were notes of several kinds to 
complicate still farther the difficulties of keeping accounts in the 
days of the Province. 

In every Church, a table of the degrees of relationship within 
which marriage was forbidden, was set up, so that all the inhabi- 
tants of the Parish might have warning of the law on the subject, 
but there are many entries like the following to be found, showing 
that people did not always obey the law. 

John Giles appeared according to summons from the Vestry, 
for marrying Hannah Scott, sister to his late wife, deceased, and 
being admonished to put her away, has refused to do it — ^therefore 
the Vestry hereby orders the Clerk to make presentment to the 
Grand Jury against said Hannah Scott as having offfended against 
the Act of Assembly in that case made and provided 

September 1752 S^ Georges Parish BaltV' 

Although there are many persons cited to appear before the 
difibrent vestries for marrying within the prohibited degrees, there 
is not an instance of the infraction of the rule that ^^a man may 
not marry his Grand-mother.^^ 

In these days, it is not customary for drunken men to frequent 
the church during service, but we know that Abram Cord was 
guilty of so doing, for he was fined five shillings for being drunk 
in Saint G*eorge^s Church, Baltimore County, in April, 1750, and 
the fine was paid by him. There is no charge that he made any 
disturbance or in any way interfered with the services, but we are 
left to infer that the vestry thought him wanting in respect for 
the Church, when he showed himself there drunk. 

The case of Mr. Crook was different, for he was a vestryman 
(although not very attentive to his duties, as he neglected to attend 
the meetings of the vestrymen), and was concerned in a riot in 
Joppa, then the county town for Baltimore County, aud a shipping 
port, but now abandoned and even the site hardly known, 



" Being informed that Joseph Crook a vestryman of this Parish 
aided and abetted a certain riot in the Town of Joppa on Easter 
McBiday last, and was not In Church Easter day or Easter Mon- 
day, we are of the opinion that Mr. Crook be no longer a Vestry- 
man and give notice to the Parish to choose one in his room. 

Johns Parish Balt^ C^ May 1758." 

A more remarkable case — not found in the Parish Records, but 
in the Public Record Office, London — is that of the Rev. Pere- 
grine Coney. In a batdi of diarges against Gov. Nicholson, 
occurs this : — 

" His Chaplain, Mr. Peregrine Coney, a pious and good man, 
the creditt of the Clergy of this Province, happening one day to 
be, by the Governors meanes, a little disguised by drink, the 
Gov^ sent for him to performe his duty of Divine Service, though 
he excused himselfe, and the Gov!, very sensible of the Condition 
he was in, yett commanded him to be brought and publickly 
exposed him to the Congregation, calling him Dogg, and then 
ordering him to be turned out of doors." 

In the entries of births, sometimes the day and hour are given 
with much care, as if some of the children named were to have 
their horoscopes taken, as for instance : 

John BuUen the eldest and first son of Thomas BuUen and 
Rachel his wife was born the 26 April on Saturday between the 
hours of eleven and twelve oclock in the forenoon A. D. 1740, 

S! Peters— Talbot County." 
Hugh Merrikin son of Joshua Merrikin and Diana his wife 
was born the 17 September about the hour of nine or ten oclock 
on the Sabbath day at night in the year of our Lord 1721. 

S* Johns Baltimore County." 

But no idea of a horoscope dictated the following, which was 
inspired by the delight of the father in the fact that his Bon. came 
into the world at a time of rejoicing : 

^^Born (just as the guns were firing, on account of the Birth of 
his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales), in Annapolis Frederick 



son of Jonas Green and Anne Catherine his wife — and was 
Christened a few days after by the Rev. Mr. Malcolm, Dr. Alex- 
ander Hamilton and Mr. Samuel Middleton and his wife being 

Saint Anne Annapolis 20 Jany 1750/1." 

Sometimes strange, and now unknown names appear among the 
baptisms, and we find the following : 

"Born 6 Sept. 1716 Marylandia daughter to his Excellency 
John Hart Governor of this Province a»d Anne his mfe and 
baptised 21 September 1716 

Saint Annes Annapolis." 

" Sabarcnt Dulany dau. of Mr. Dulany and Mary his wife 
was born 7 February one Thousand seven Hundred and thirty 

Saint Johns, Baltimore County" 

The earliest notice of the baptism of a negro slave is in 1698, 
but after that date they are quite frequent. 

" Samuel Matthews a negro of Mr. James Sanders Sf was bap- 
tised the 22 January 1698/9 in the Parish of All Hallows by Mr. 
Coalbatch Minister 

Ann Arundell CV^ 

What reason Mr. Goldsmith had for wishing to place on record 
the following fact is not known to the writer, but it was deemed of 
such importance that the Register made a special attestation to it : 

a^ym Copeland Goldsmith son of Thomas Goldsmith and Lilly 
his wife was bom, aud his left ear growing more from his head 
than the other, the Parents of the said child thought proper to 
request the Clerk of the Register in the Parish where the said 
child was born, to enter the same ou the Register aforesaid, he 
being bom with his ear in the Form as above expressed. In con- 
firmation of the Truth of this entry, I have hereunto put my hand 
this 7 October 1757 

Signed John Roberts, Register 

Johns Baltimore County," 



In days when distances were great and roads were bad, it was 
not remarkable that there should be some iinpunctuality about the 
attendance at the meetings of the Vestry, and at a meeting of the 
Vestry of Durham Parish, Charles County, 9 October, 1779, the 
following Resolution was passed : — " That 12 o^ clock be the hour 
of meeting, and to provide for punctuality that the Dial in the 
Church Yard is to determine the time of day and in case it is 
cloudy, the majority of watches which their owners on their honour 
• think right." 

Among the many duties of the Vestry was the nominating of 
persons who inspected the tobacco, which was shipped from 
different points in the Province, and the following extract from 
the Records of Durham show the indecision in the minds of some 
of those living in 1776, as to the Government of the Province : 

"To the Governor for the time being, or the Convention, or the 
Council of Safety — The Vestry and Church Wardens have nomi- 
nated and recommended as Inspectors &c. &c." — 

Another reminder of the war is to be found in the same Record, 
where it is written : 

" Invasion of the enemy prevented a meeting of the Parishioners 
to choose a Vestry on Easter Monday 1781." 

We will give one more extract, which recommends itself, as the 
farewell words of a good man, who was Rector of Saint Anne^s, 

" John Humphreys late Rector of this Parish was born in the 
City of Limerick in the province of Munster, Ireland and aged 
•this year of grace 1739, 53 years, in which he died. 

" His parents were persons of repute and figure, his Father being 
a Practitioner in Physic, eminent for his skill and practice, born 
in Lincolnshire in England, married to a daughter of the N, family 
of Roper. 

" He lost his parents very early never having known his Father 
nor had he at the age of 12 years one relation living in the King- 
dom, nor has he seen one since, except one Hoddilow half-brother 
to his Father a good Citizen of London by profession a Drysalter. 


He died in this Strange land among Friends who he hopes will 
say he did not displease them, nor offend by irregular or indecent 
living during sixteen years residence among them. 

"He prays this may be recorded in the Church Register together 
with his Induction." 

The early Parishes have been divided and subdivided, and 
Parish Registers are numerous, and kept with more system and 
regularity than in the early days, but they arc lacking in the 
entries made at the will of the Clergyman or Clerk, which add so 
much interest to the old Parish Registers, whenever found. 



The newly organized Bureau of Archives of the Province of 
Ontario has published as the second report of its archivist, Alex- 
ander Fraser, two volumes of the evidence in the Canadian claims 
of the United Empire Loyalists given before Col. Thomas Dundas 
and Mr. Jeremy Pemberton, two royal commissioners who came 
to America shortly before the close of the Revolution. Other 
loyalists appeared before commissioners in England. This inquiry 
into the losses and services of these exiles, in consequence of tlieir 
loyalty, throws interesting light upon some Maryland Tories. 
The work of the Commissioners began at Halifax in November, 
1785, and there, on December 20, came Hugh Kelly, ^ who was a 
native of Ireland and went to Maryland in 1774, meaning "to 
settle on the back of the Allegany Mountains." He purchased 
land near the mouth of the Cheat River, and built a house on a 
clearing he made there, but declared that he had been forced to flee 
in 1781 from Maryland where he then resided. He was made 
prisoner and had taken from him a h#rie valued at £25, a watch 

* I, p. 55. 



worth £7.10, and £133 Pennsylvania currency in cash. The 
value of the articles confiscated from his wife and himself after 
his escape, was £117 Pennsylvania currency. During the earlier 
years of the Eevolution, he always paid tines as a non-juror and 
for not going out as a militia-man and during these years " carried 
on a very beneficial business in the manufacturing of linen and 
wcfolen goods." At his flight, he went to New York City and 
remained there, until it was evacuated, when he came to Nova 
Scotia. « 

At Shelburne, on June 20, 1786, Charles Oliver Bruff^ swore 
that he was bom in Talbot County, but resided in New York in 
1775, as a silversmith. Three days later, Joseph H. Barton 
testified for Joseph Hill ^ that he had known him many years and 
had frequently been on his place in "Worcester County, where Hill 
kept a large store of wet and dry goods and had above 100 acres 
of cleared land. " He was reputed to be a man of large property 
and was a magistrate in Maryland.^^ His sons continued "to 
live in the States.'^ 

At HaUfax, on July 20, Hugh Dean ^ testified that, a native of 
Scotland, he went to America in 1770 and in 1775 "was settled 
on the Eastern Shore of Maryland as a trader." From the begin- 
ning of the troubles, he declared his attachment to Great Britain 
and was, in consequence, molested and prevented from carrying 
on business.^^ He engaged in the uprising of December, 1776, 
was wounded in the thigh and taken by the patriots and was then 
kept in jail for 11 months. During that time he made three 
attempts to escape, of which the last was successful, so that he got 
on board the Richmond frigate and went to New York. Remain- 
ing there until the peace, he then went to the Bahamas, where he 
resided in 1786. Henry Kelly and Anthony Stewart, formerly 
of Annapolis, testified in his behalf and Drs. Mathews and Steven- 
son sent certificates as to his loyalty. Dean stated that he had 
bought from Levin Gale in 1773, 500 acres of land in Somerset 
County, with buildings and improvements, paying 40s. sterling 
per acre for the property, on which he made improvements 

^i, p. 139. 

'I, p. 148. 

8 1, p. 173. 


amounting to about £50. He had about 50 acres cleared corn 
land and the rest was chiefly woodland, valuable for lumber. 
All this land was confiscated, with stock and utensils valued at 
£100 stg., as well as 3 negro men and 1 negro woman, each worth 
about £40 currency. He did not owe a shilling, but left debts 
due him amounting to £2,500 currency. 

Lt.-Col. Conolly,^ who was taken prisoner in Frederick County 
in 1775, appeared before the Commissioners in London on Feb- 
ruary 2, 1784, but his examination yielded nothing of interest 
to students of Maryland history. Lt.-Col. James Chalmers^ 
appeared on February 11, 1784, in London and testified that he 
was a native of Scotland and went to the West Indies when about 
13 years of age. About 1760, he removed to Pennsylvania and 
later to Maryland, where he had a large plantation. At the com- 
mencement of the war "he was oflTered a regiment in the Rebel 
army,^^ but, as he continued loyal, he had to retire to New York 
in 1777, leaving his land and negroes behind him. He served 
throughout the war in the Loyalist regiments, while his wife 
remained on his property in the endeavor to preserve it. Rev. 
John Patterson, formerly his pastor in Kent County, and Richard 
Smyth, a native of Maryland, gave evidence as to his loyalty, 

Thomas Rc^ers,^ a native of Ireland, came to Maryland in 1772, 
but left the Province for South Carolina in 1774. 

Dr. Alexander Stenhouse,^ appeared before the Commissioners 
on March 6, 1784, in London. He was a Scotchman who came 
to America in 1756 and settled in Baltimore County in 1759. 
Thence he removed to Baltimore Town in 1764 and remained 
there until 1776 in the practice of physic. While he was a loy- 
alist, he could not take "active part, being so much engaged in 
business. He was called upon by the Rebels to take arms and 
desired by his customers to take part, but constantly refused, by 
which conduct he was deprived of the exercise of his profession 
and treated with contempt by his former friends." In April, 
1776, he left Baltimore and went to Philadelphia, whence he came 
in a vessel to Lisbon and landed in England in July, 1776. He 

^11, p. H25. 2ii^p. 1164, »n, p. 1210. *n, pp. 1211, 1250. 



left behind him a house and lot in Baltimore worth £1,000 cur- 
rency and debts due him amounting to about £3,000 sterling. In 
1775, he made by his practice £707.10.6 sterling and £274 ster- 
ling by two branches of business. George Chalmers and James 
Christie testified in his behalf : the latter r^arded Stenhouse^s 
practice as the second in Baltimore. 

Rev. William Edmondston,^ a native of England who was 
rector of the parish of St. Thomas, Maryland, prior to the 
troubles,^' testified in London on March 17, 1784. When sub- 
scriptions were made for collecting arms and ammunition early in 
1774, he exhorted his parishioners ^^to continue their allegiance 
to the British government and circulated pamphlets among them " 
to dissuade them from resistance. In December, 1774, "he was 
brought before the Committee and required to sign a recantation 
of all he had said, which he refused to do, but the paper havii^ 
been altered by some of liis friends,^^ he " prevented any ill usage 
by signing it in 177 5.^^ Being told by a friend when the "Associa- 
tion paper was going aboiit,^^ that, if he did not sign it "his house 
would be pulled down,^^ he left for England with wife ^d family 
in November, 1775. He left 500 or 600 acres in Cecil County, 
250 acres of which were cleared. The property was devised him 
by his father in 1753 and was valued at £1,600 sterling. He 
also had 550 acres in Baltimore County valued at £1,100. By 
act of Assembly in 1782, the Baltimore property, which he bought 
in 1772 for £1,500 currency and on which he had put improve- 
ments valued at £600 or £700 currency, was given his daughter 
and the Cecil plantation to his wife. "His negroes and other 
matters^' were likewise given his wife and daughter by this aet 
and he cannot return to America. His living was worth, on an 
average, £300 sterling, exclusive of "surplice fees which were 
£75 per annum and " were always increasing.^^ George Chal- 
mers testified in his behalf and said he believed Edmondston 
" went so far as to have refused administering the sacrament to 
many who had taken part against us.^^ Robert Alexander, a 
member of the Committee who examined Edmondston in 1774, 

^n, p. 1124. 


spoke highly of his respectability and his loyalty and Dr. Sten- 
house bore witness to his loyal sermons. 

In the third report of the Bureau are found applications for land 
in Upper Canada from Valentine and Jacob Oiler, — Oyler, Eyler, 
or Euler/ formerly residing in Frederick County. Valentine 
Eyler produced a certificate, drawn up in Frederick County on 
October 20, 1788, and signed by Joel Wright and 15 others, 
neighbors of Eyler, stating that his " general character had not, 
"that we know of, been charged with anything unfavourable, 
except his Attachment to the British Interest in the late w^ar, for 
whkh be offered imprisonment and had his estate coniscated/^ 



1. Francis Scott Key died at the residence of his eldest child, 
Mrs. Elizabeth Phoebe (Key) Howard, wife of Charles Howard, 
at the northeast corner of Mount Vernon Place and Washington 
Place, (where the Methodist Church now stands), Baltimore, on 
11th January, 1843. In an editorial notice of his death in the 
Baltimore Su7i of 13th January, 1843, it is stated that ^^Mr. Key 
was born on the 1st of August, 1779, at Terra Eubra, his patri- 
mmiial estate in Carroll County, but which at that time formed a 
portion of Frederick County. At the time of his death he was 
in his sixty-fourth year." In all probability this information was 
obtained by the editor from Mrs. or Mr. Howard. 

2. Mr. Charles Howard was making a Lloyd family book 
between about 1858 and his death in 1869 — Mrs. Howard being 
still living — and in the book, now in my possession, he states 
that " Francis Scott Key " (whose wife was a Lloyd) " was born 
1st August, 1779, at the residence of his father, John Eoss Key, 
near Pipe Creds, in Frederick County, Maryland. Mr. Key died 

ipp. 11% 



in Baltimore whilst on a visit to his eldest daughter, Mrs. How- 
ard, on the 11th January^ 1843, in the 64th year of his age." 

3. From a masB of rough notes of the late Major Frank Marx 
Etting, U. S. A., who died some 12 or 15 years ago, I made 
some copies about 10 years ago which I still have. Major Etting 
had married a granddaughter of Chief Justice Taney and his 
wife who was the only sister of Francis Scott Key, and he had 
been very industrious and much interested in hunting up and 
compiling information about his wife's family, and particularly 
the Key branch. I knew at the time that he was visiting many 
localities and examining records and making enquiries of mem- 
bers of the family and others. I find in these notes, *^ Fran' 
S. K. b. at Terra Eubra in Frederick Aug. 1st, 1779, & X bd. 
by Rev. Mr. Henope/' and in another place, " Fran^ Scott Key 
b. Pipe Creek Fred. Co., Aug. 1st, 1779,'' and in another, 
« Francis Scott Key born at Pipe Creek (Aug. 1 (2 ?) 1779, 
christened by the Rev. Mr. Henope," and iu another, "Francis 
Scott Key b. Pipe Creek Fredk. Co., 1 Aug., 1779, christened 
by Rev. Mr. Henope." ^ 

Now I learn from Scharf's History of Western Maryland^ 
Vol. 1, page 508, that the Rev. Frederick L, Henope was pastor 
of the Evangelical Reformed Church in Frederick County from 
1768 to 1782. But I do not find in the records of that Church, 
now at the Maryland Historical Society, any entry of such 
baptism. The Key family was Protestant Episcopalian and a 
baptism by this Minister may have been because of illness or on 
some other emergency and so not recorded in this Church's 
register. And yet Major Etting must have got this precise infor- 
mation either from some church record or from a femily Bible, 
most likely Key or Taney. I do not know where such a Bible 
may now be found, but I feel almost sure that Francis Scott Key 
did have one. 

4. The entry of Francis Scott Key's matriculation art St, Jdin's 
College at Annapolis, is as follows : — 

"Francis S. Key, 10 years, entered Nov. 11th, 1789." All 
the authorities agreeing that be was bom in August, this would 
make the jmv of his birth 1779 and not 1780. 


5. Ou the other hand, the monument erected In Frederick in 
1898 gives the date of his birth as 9th August, 1780. No doubt 
this was simply taken from the headstone at his grave which had 
the brief inscription (copied by me in 1896), "Francis Scott 
Key, bom Aug. 9th, 1780, died Jan^ Hth, 1843.'^ When his 
remains were removed from this grave to the site, in the same 
Cemetery, where the monument was about to be erected, I wrote 
to Frederick, stating the doubt and probable mistake about the 
date, and asking that the coffin-plate be examined, but I have 
never heard that this was done. 

When he died in 1843 his body was placed in the Howard 
vault in St. Paul's burial ground, Lombard, Greene and Fremont 
Streets, Baltimore, and there it remained, without a tombstone, of 
course, until 1866. In that year his daugthers, Mrs. Howard 
and Mrs. Alice Key Pendleton, wife of George H. Pendleton, 
selected a lot in Mount Olivet Cemetery, Frederick, and had his 
remains removed from the Howard vault to it. I have the 
correspondence about the removal. And I suppose the head- 
stone, with the date August 9th, 1780, was put there by them 
then or shortly afterwards. If my mother, Mrs. Howard, who 
lived until 1897, had had any part in putting it there much later 
than 1870, I think I would have known of it, Mrs. Pendleton 
may have done so alone before her death in 1886. 

Now I suppose that this inscription, August 9th, 1780, on the 
tombstone at least 23 years after his death, came to be made in 
this way : In the Bible of his second child, Mrs. Maria (Key) 
Steele, of Annapolis, there is an entry in her handwriting, F. S. 
Key born Angst. 9th, 1780," and I think it probable that 
whoever had the headstone placed at the grave took the date from 
that entry. Mrs. Pendleton was a much younger child, under 
20 at her father's death, and may well have applied to her older 
sister, Mrs. Steele, for the information. And even my mother, 
the eldest, in her older age, in 1866 or afterwards, so long after 
her fatlier's death, may have forgotten or distrusted her memory 
of the date and would probably have accepted the entry written 
in the Bible of her next oldest sister. 



At any rate, only in Mrs. Steele^s Bible and on the tombstone, 
placed at his grave for the first time at least 23 years after his 
death, is the date of birth given as August 9th, 1780. 

I conclude from the statement in the Sun at the time of his 
death, my father^s entry in the Lloyd family book. Major Etting's 
notes with their precise account of baptism, and the entry on 
St. John^s College register, that Francis Scott Key was born in 
1779 and not in 1780, and from the above other than the College 
register, that it was on the 1st and not the 9th of August — all 
the other authorities making August to be the month. 

It is more important, if a statue is to be erected, to know 
what original portraits there are of him. I know of but two. 

1. My mother often spoke of one which was in the possession 
of her eousin, Mary Shaaff, (of Alexandria, Va., I think), who, 
she said, had promised to give, or at her death, to leave -it 
to her. And it eame, to her great gratification, about 1880 as 
near as I cau recollect the date. She had it for several years and 
parted with it to her sister, Mrs. Pendleton, at whose death in 
1886 it passed to her son, Frank Key Pendleton, now a lawyer 
iu New York City, who still has it. It is a very good painting, 
either by Peale or some other leading artist at the time, and repre- 
sents him as a very young man, probably not over 20. 

2. John Randolph of Roanoke and Francis Scott Key had 
their portraits painted at the same time for exchange — as I have 
often heard my mother tell. But Randolph did not like Key^s 
portrait and gave it to my mother. Neither did she like it much, 
and I have heard her say that a pin scratch across the face was 
made by her. Since her death it has belonged to my brother, 
James Howard. It was painted by a man named Wood, in 
Washington I suppose. It is not a good work of - art, but fe 
valuable as the only picture of him (that I know of), in later life. 
I should say it was painted when he was somewhere about 40. 
Being only 4 years old when he died, my own recollection of him 
is not distinct enough to enable me to ^y how good a likeness 
it is. 




[Fbom Cus6AN*s History <^ Hertfordshire. Vol. IL] 

In the Chancel [of St. Mary's Church, Hertingfordbury] is an 
Altar Tomb on which is the recumbent effigy of a lady carved in 
white marble. She is habited in a richly embroidered dress with 
tight fitting sleeves^ and a ruff about her neck. Over her head 
is a kerchief, which is thrown back, disclosing the face. On a 
tablet in front of the Tomb is this inscription : — 

D. O. M. S. 









On the edge of the slab on which the figure is laid 


Over the monument arc three shields of arms. On the centre 
shield : Paly of six, or and sable, a Bend counterchanged for 
Calvert, impaling Sable, a Fess dancett^ paly of four gules and 
ermine, between six Crosses-crosslet argent for Mynne. On the 
other shields Calvert and Mynne alone. 

[Translation of the Epitaph. 

Sacred to Almighty God and to the most pleasing memory of 
Anne, daughter of George, and grand-daughter of John Minne, 
a woman born to all excellent things, who has departed to [a] 
better [world], for Piety, Chastity, Prudence, incomparable 

George Calvert, son of Leonard, grandson of John, Knight, 
Chief Secretary and Privy Councillor to the Invincible James 
King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Pious, Fortunate, 
and always August, with whom [sc. George Calvert] she lived 
seventeen years, void of offence, and left ten children, equal in 
number of each sex : Cecllius, Leonard, George, Francis, Henry, 
Anne, Dorothy, Elizabeth, Grace, Helen, and had given birth 
also to a sixth son, John, the forerunner, alas ! of her death and 
of his father^s mourning — her husband, in memory of so sweet 
a wedded life, overcome by so great pain and grief, sorrowing, 
has placed with his hands this monumeat to his sainted wife, for 
himself, his [children] , and their posterity. 

She lived forty- two years, nine months, and eighteen days. 

She died August the eighth, A. D. MDCXXI.] 




Dtiring the recent summer, I visited with Rev. Mr. Shouler, 
of ElktoDj and Mr. Johnson^ author of a History of Ceeil County, 
the site of the Labadist settlement on Bohemia Manor. We 
started from Elkton on July 17th, 1882, passed through Chesa- 
peake City, and soon reached the place of our destination. The 
Labadist lot consisted of 4000 acres bought from Augustine 
Herman, who received his grant from Lord Baltimore, in 1660, 
principally in consideration of a valuable map of Maryland made 
by Herman, and now in the possession of our Society. 

Jean Labadie, the founder of the Labadist sect, was born in 
Franee 1610, He deserted the Jesuits, and moving into Holland, 
Denmark and other places, established a communistic sect, which 
numbered several distinguished persons. He died in 1674, 
and his successor attempted to establish a colony in Surinam on 
the surrender of New York by the Dutch to the English, but the 
climate of Surinam being unsuitable, his disciples, Sluyter and 
Dankers, were sent to find a place for another colony, and this 
they found on Bohemia Manor, and purchased in 1684. The 
colonists left Wiewerd, Friesland, April 12th, 1683, and reached 
this country on July 12th. This settlement continued until 
about 1722, when it expired, leaving as a relic one original 

The wonderful fertility of the soil with vast crops of corn and 
orchards of peaches, still amply justify the choice of the Labadist 
selection, " a noble piece of land.^^ The ground extends to the 
Bohemia Eiver for a long distance, allowing easy exportation of 
grain and importation of building and other material, besides 
furnishing an ample supply of fish and fowl. The distance is 



some seven miles from Elkton. "We were cordially welcomed 
at the house of Mr. Hanson, whose wife was a Miss Biddlc, a 
family connected with the early history of Cecil County. Her- 
man directed that a stoue monument should be erected over his 
grave, and this still exists in the yard of Mr. Hanson^ s house. 
It unfortunately is broken into three pieces, whieh ean easily be 
cemented. It is a marble slab of oolite, the same as tlie stones 
which mark Mason and Dixon's line, 2| feet wide, 5 J feet long 
and 3 inches thick, and has on it this inscription : 


This was two years after Baltimore County was established, and 
thirteen before the establishment of Cecil, a Court of Baltimore 
County being held in 1664, at the house of Francis Wright (Clay 

I think that this stone could easily be procured, and it cer- 
tainly is worthy of preservation against future breakage, Herman 
being one of the most important men in the early history of 
Maryland, whose descendants are the Shippens, Hynsons, Fris- 
bies, Bordlcys, Briccs, Dulanys, Chestons, Galloways, Jennings, 
and Randolphs. 

It is a curious fact, that as late as 1687, this part of Maryland 
was disputed territory, William Penn, at that time warning 
James Frisbie not to pay taxes to Lord Baltimore. 

After leaving the house of Mr. Hanson, beautifully situated on 
Bohemia River, we went first to the family vault, a few hundred 
feet southwest of the house, 

Peter Bayard, nephew of Governor Stuyvesant, was one of the 
original Labadist trustees, to whom Herman deeded the land. 
He was the ancestor of the Bayard family, including Col. John 
Bayard, bom on Bohemia Manor in 1738, who was at the battle 
of Trenton, and James A. Bayard, commissioner at the treaty of 
Ghent 3 James A. Bayard, son of the former, United States Sena- 
tor, father of Senator Thomas F. Bayard. The manor house of 
Herman came into the possession of Richard Bassctt, Governor 
of Delaware, through Peier Lawsoe. GoverBoir Ba®sefet om- 



structed the vault over whieli was plaeed origiDally tlie eom- 
memorative slab of Herman above mentioned, and where the 
Governor himself was buried, and also James A. Bayard, eom- 
raissioner, with Ann Bassett, his wife, and two children. 

The property subsequently descended to Richard Bassett 
Bayard, whose widow lives in this city, a descendant of Col. 
Howard. Before dying Mr. Bayard had the memorial stone 
removed, and the bodies transferred to a cemetery in Wilming- 
ton. Henee there is no relie of this vault, but a large ehasm 
filled with dock and otiier weeds as though wishing to hide the 
ruin beneath. 

The original manor house built by Herman, has been destroyed, 
and in its place farther from the river, was built, probably by 
Governor Bassett, the present residence of Mr. Hanson. It is 
easy to define the site of the ancient mansion from the growth of 
weeds and from the numerous old bricks, one of which I brought 
with nie. The facts in reference to the family vault of Governor 
Bassett, were kindly furnished me by the Hon. Thomas F. Bayard. 

It is remarkable that while the memorial slab of Herman is in 
the yard of Mr. Hanson's house, the actual place of interment is 
entirely unknown, though tradition places it under a large walnut 
tree a short distance from the vault. A sad commentary on human 
greatness; Herman, the possessor of 20,000 acres of the finest 
land, and the place of his burial is foi-gotten. There is in front 
of the present house, a large area with fences raised on mounds 
of earth, supposed to have been a park for deer. 

We then went higher up the Bohemia River to inspect the 
original Ltbadist house. This is now occupied by an Irish family, 
the matron of which, perhaps suspicious of our visit and caring 
very little for historical research, did not give us a hearty wel- 
come. We supposed, however, from the windows and the brick, 
that this was of Labadist use and construction. Along this river 
with a portage of only six miles to the Apoguirnrinik Creek, a 
great trade in those early days was carried on between the Chesa- 
peake and Delaware canals. 

We then went to the site of a mill built by the Vanbibber 
family in 1703, and subsequently purchased by Sluyter^ one of 



the Labadist colonists. Here again the foliage of bushes and 
rushes is so thick that you cannot define the foundation of the 
once busy mill. We founds however^ a millstone through which 
a considerable tree was growing. The miller's house shared a 
similar rnin, and as we left we thought of Goldsmith's Deserted 
Village : 

No more thy glassy brook reflects the day 
But choked with sedges works its weary way ; 
Along thy glades a solitary guest 
The hollow-sounding bittern guards its nest. 

We then visited St. Augustine^s Church, built in 1703, but 
here too has been devastation. The original building, constructed 
solidly of brick, has entirely disappeared, the bricks taken away 
to build chimueys, and in its place a pine board structure, Y^hich 
does little credit to the architect, and what is worse, through the 
neglect of vestries the records and documents for a century have 
been entirely lost. 



The expedition against Carthagena, a stronghold of Spain on 
the north coast of South America, is mentioned in most of the 
histories wliich tell of England, or of the American Colonies, 
during the eighteenth century, but the reference is usually brief 
as to one of the minor incidents of the wars between European 
powers which followed one another at brief intervals during that 
century. To the student, however, of American history, or of the 
colonial policy of England, this expedition cannot fail to be of 
special aud significant interest, in that it was the first occasion 
upon which American troops served outside the North American 
Continent in a war waged by the British Crown against one of Uie 
European Continental powers. 


In several histories meation is made of the presence of Ameri- 
can troops in the expedition against Carthagena ; but generally no 
accurate indication is given as to the Colonics from which tik^ 
came, their number, or the part they played in ihe militig^ 

Smollett, best known as a writer of fiction, was also a ^aduatt 
in medicine, and served in this expedition as assistant to one of 
the ship surgeons. In his Account of the Expedition against 
Carthagena there is to be found the narrative of an actual 
participant in the adventure, many of the incidents of iriiiit 
were also woven into the story of Roderick Random, While in the 
latter work it is impossible to distinguish with certainty betwe^ 
statements of historical fact and the fancy of the novelist, it ia 
believed that much lihat is set down in the novel was derivedl 
from the personal experience and observation of the writer. 
SmoUett^s narratives have at least the merit of being written by 
one who was present upon the scene and who, a ¥ritnes9 of the 
actual occurrences, wrote at first hand. 

For the part taken by the Province of Maryland, reference 
must be made to the archives of this State, Much of the account 
is to be found only in manuscript records, contained in somewhat 
bulky volumes, which are wholly without index. It is therefore 
quite possible that even after careful examination some matters of 
interest may have been overlooked. 

As to the circumstances under which the expedition was underr 
taken : — War was declared against Spain, by the King of Eng- 
land, on October 19, 1739, and according to the usage of the 
times it was proclaimed by heralds at the places appointed for 
this formality. For this war, which was forced upon Sir Robert 
Walpole's administration, much against his will and judgment, by 
the jingoes of that time, England was ill prepared. It was, how^ 
ever, determined, in order to assail the Spanish power in its 
colonial possessions in the New World, to send two expeditions, — 
one under Commodore Anson to proceed by way of Cape Horn, 
and attack the coasts of Peru ; and the other, the aommmi aC 
which was given to Admiral Vernon, to wage war upon the 
Spanish Colonics in the West Indies, So hurd pressed was Jki^ 



land for troops, that to help fit out the first of these expeditions, 
Chelsea Hospital had to be drawn upon for 500 invalids — out 
pensioners — old soldiers already worn out in service, a large num- 
ber of whom, — Lord Mahon says all who had strength and limbs 
to walk out of Portsmouth, — deserted before they could be got on 
board the ships, while of the remainder, numbering 259, who 
embarked, every one perished from hardship or disease before the 
fleet, aflber having been scattered by the storms encountered in 
weathering Cape Horn, arrived at the rendezvous at the Island of 
jHan Fernandez. 

For the expedition destined for the West Indies, requisition 
was made upon the more southern of the English Colonies of 
America for one regiment of troops. The New England Colonies 
were not called upon at this time, though they were for a subsequent 
campaign. Smollett says that the suggestion for raising troops 
in America came from Governor Spotswood of Virginia, to whom 
the command of the regiment was to be given. 

In Bancroft's History (Vol. Ill, p. 440) it is stated that the 
Colonies north of Carolina were summoned to contribute four 
battalions to the armament, and that no Colony refused its quota. 
Even Pennsylvania, the historian adds, voted a contribution of 
money, and thus enabled its Gk)veraor to enlist troops for the 

In Graham's History (Vol. Ill, p. 212) it is said that an 
application was made to Virginia and North Carolina for a levy 
of troops, and that both Colonies eagerly obeyed the summons, so 
that a considerable force, to which North Carolina contributed 400 
men, was embodied and embarked in Admiral Vernon's Squadron. 

In Burke's History of Virginia^ it is mentioned merely that the 
Colonies voluntarily furnished their quotas under the command 
of the Governor of Virginia. 

Maryland's contribution to the expedition seems to have been 
generally overlooked or ignored by the historians of that period, 
and in Scharf's History of Maryland the expedition itself is not 
so much as mentioned. 

Maryland, however, was not overlooked when the demand for 
troops was made, and the r^dy r@sp<Mi®e on the part mi -^ike 
Province was not lacking. 


The fact of the declaration of war against Spain was communi- 
cated directly to Samuel Ogle, Governor of Maryland, in a letter 
dated October 29, 1739, from the Duke of Newcastle, one of 
his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, with which a copy of 
the declaration of war was sent. This letter was laid before the 
Council by Governor Ogle on April 11, 1740, together with a 
second letter from the Duke of Newcastle, dated January 6, 
1739/40, informing the Governor of the proposed attack upoa the 
Spanish Settlements in the West Indies, and notifying him of the 
King's desire that he should raise for this expedition as many 
men as possible in his Government. It was also stated that the 
American troops would be under the immediate command of Col. 
Spots wood. Governor of Virginia. In order to encourage enlist- 
ments, it was declared to be the King's intention for the new 
levies to be supplied with arms and proper clothing, and taken 
into his Majesty's pay, and that they should come in for their 
share of booty, and be returned to their respective homes when the 
service for which they were to be enlisted was over. These terms 
of enlistment and service are entered in full up<Hi the Council 

A proclamation was immediately issued making public the 
cammunication from the Crown, and calling in urgent terms upon 
his Majesty's faithful and loyal subjects within this Province 
cheerfully to enlist to serve in this glorious enterprise. And the 
General Assembly was forthwith convened to provide the neces- 
sary funds for carrying into effect measures for enlisting recruits. 
On April 30, 1 740, a bill was passed by the Lower House appro- 
priaiing the sum of £2636 : 16 : 3 crnrent money, to be paid out 
of the office of the Commissioners or Trustees for emitting HUs 
of credit, for the encouragement of voluntary enlistments. The 
bill, however, contained many provisions and omissions that were 
objected to by the Upper House, between which and the popular 
branch of the Legislature mudi jealousy and antagcmism exinted, 
and many weeks elapsed before a bill was framed upon which the 
two Houses could agree. 

Meanwhile, according to the fashion of the time, much cor- 
rei^nd^e amied between ^e tw« Ho»»^ through their respec- 



tive conferees, all of wLieh is spread at length upon tlie journals, 
eaeh House charging the other with being much more ready with 
professions of loyalty and zeal than with a disposition to prove 
their sineerity by their aets. 

It was not until June 2nd that a bill was finally passed. In 
this the appropriation was fixed at £2562 : 10, and provision was 
made for replacing the amount by taxes levied for the purpose, a 
provision upoa which the Upper House had insisted, TheuumWr 
of enlistments contemplated was five hundred. 

Other points urged by the Upper House were in relation to 
exemptions that' should be given to enlisted men from public 
charges and arrest for debt. In one of its communications the 
Upper House, from which, sitting as the Governor's Council, the 
proclamation already referred to had emanated, said, " You must 
b€ mifiieiently apprised of the dispositions of our inhabitants, that 
very few people who are clear of debt, and live with any tolerable 
ease here, will be induced by any motive even of honor and riches 
to be influenced by this expedition in the station of eommoo 
soldiers.'' The appeal to " loyal subjects " to embark in this 
"glorious enterprise,'' had evidently been found insufficient. 

The matter of exemptions was finally compromised, allowing 
seven years' exemption to a returned soldier from public charges 
and work upon the roads, and as to debt, it was provided that an 
enlisted man was not to be exempt from arrest for this cause 
unless all the debts proved against him by a specified date should 
be less than the amount of the bounty ; and to avoid the tempta- 
tion to desertion, no bounty should be paid until the soldier was 
"secwed," by which was apparently meant mustered in and placed 
under military discipline. 

The exemption of soldiers from arrest for debt does not seem 
to have been altogether popular. Among the proceedings of the 
Council on May 6, 1 740, it is noted that Robert Conant, Sheriff 
of Anne Arundel County, having proceeded to arrest an enltsttd 
man for debt, the delinquent debtor declined to be arrested on the 
ground that he was his Majesty's soldier. The Sheriff, as the 
reeord tails, iai m impudtat and arrogiiit' manner, cursed his 
IbLjmtj^ Kimg Qma^'^^ in Ib^e iffw^, ^^G@i iam King G%q¥^ 


and all his soldiers/^ and spoke several other disrespectful words. 
A warrant was promptly issued for the arrest of the Sherifip guilty 
of this treasonable language. 

At a meeting of the Council on June 30th; the Governor sub- 
mitted a letter from the Duke of Newcastle, dated April 5th, 
giving further directions in respect to the disposition and embarka- 
tion of troops, together with instructions from the King dated 
April 2nd. In these instructions, England^s great need of troops 
was clearly manifested. The Governor was told that it had not 
been thought fit to fix any quota for Maryland, as the King 

would not set bounds to their zeal," but referring to the great 
increase in the population of the Province, it was urged that they 
should exert themselves upon this occasion, as they could not 
r^der a more acc^table service to the Crown and to the mother 
country. Particulars as to the organization of the troops were 
also given. They were to be formed into companies of one hun- 
dred men each, including four sergeants, four corporals, and two 
drummers, and besides their commanding officers, which should 
be one captain, two lieutenants and one ensign for each company. 
The nomination of field and staff officers was reserved to the 
Crown, as well as the appointment of one of tlie two lieutenants 
for each company, who would be a man of experience in service 
and sent from home to meet the troops at the general rendezvous 
in the West Indies. One sergeant for each company was to be 
supplied by draught of old soldiers from the four independent 
companies at New York. Blank commissions were to be sent for 
the officers to be appointed by the Governor, and the commis- 
sfons, it was charged, were to be filled out and issued without fee, 
gratuity or reward. The soldiers were to have the same rank and 
pay as the British regulars ; the pay of non-commissioned officers 
to begin from date of enlistment ; that of officers from the date of 
their commissions, though their order in seniority would be fixed 
by the date of the completion of the levies. Transportation to 
the rendezvous in the West Indies was to be furnished by the 

The General Assembly was again convened to meet on July 
7th, to make the necessary appropriation for meeting the expense 
of transportation. 



On July 26th, and again on August 12th, proclamations were 
issued ordering all enlisted men to assemble at Annapolis, to be 
mustered in and instructed and exercised in military discipline. 

Upon the latter date there was laid before the Comneil a letter 
from William Gooch, Governor of Virginia, to whom after the 
death of Col. Spotswood, the command of the American Regiment 
was given, inclosing blank commissions for the officers for three 
companies, and asking that the Maryland contingent be ready 
within the Capes of Virginia before the middle of September. 

The Council thereupon communicated with the Honorable 
Benjamin Tasker, Col. Robert King and Dr. Charles Carrol, a 
Committee appointed by the General Assembly for the purpose, 
and requested them to provide , transports, victuals and other 
necessaries, and have them ready at the Port of Annapolis. 

Commissions issued to the officers of the three companies raised 
in Maryland for this service are recorded as follows : — 

On August 20th, to Thomas Addison, Esq., Captain of a Com- 
pany of Foot raised by him ; Thomas Crabb, gent., Lieutenant, 
and Wm. Chandler, gent.. Ensign. 

On August 2Gth, to John Lloyd, Esq., Captain of a Company 
of Foot raised by him ; Thomas Lynn, gent.. Lieutenant, aud John 
Swords, gent., Ensign. 

On September 6th, to John Milburn, Esq., Captain of a Com- 
pany of Foot raised by him ; John Watkins, gent., Lieutenant, 
aud Andrew McKittrick, gent.. Ensign. 

On September 18th a proclamation was issued for the appre- 
hension and arrest of four deserters from Captain Milbum^s 
Company, and seven from Captain Addison's Company. These 
deserters are described with some particularity, by name, age, 
physical characteristics, etc., and it appears that one of the 
deserters from Captain Milburn's Company was a blaek man, 
Wm. Burgess by name ; and one from Captain Addison's, named 
John Obryan, is described as a lusty well-macb man, Irfeh, " but 
speaks pretty good English.'' 

This narrative, dra^vn from the records of the proceedings of 
the Council, and the Journals of the Upper and Lower Houses of 
tlie General Assembly, brings the aeeownt of Maryland's part in 


this expedition down to the time of the embarkation of the troops. 
It shows that Maryland's contribution of men comprised three 
companies, and from the directions already quoted as to thmr 
organization, it may be concluded that they numbeiBd about three 
hundred men. 

From this point the story of the American Eegiment, of which 
the three Maryland Companies formed a part, becomes merged in 
that of the ill-fatal expedition in which they were embarked and 
the history of the attempts made upon the Spanish possessions in 
the West Indies. 

After many delays the fleet intended to augment the forces 
already in the West Indies, set sail from England on October 
26, 1740, a little more than one year after war had been 
declared. The troops were commanded by Lord Cathcart, and 
the fleet by Sir Chaloner Ogle. This fleet arrived at Dominica 
on December 19th, and the very next day suflered an irreparable 
loss in the death of Lord Cathcart, who succumbed to the effects 
of the climate. He was succeeded in command by General Went- 
worth, who seems to have been a man of personal bravery, but 
irresolute and much lacking iu self-confidence. On January 19, 
1740/1, the fleet arrived at Jamaica, the appointed place of rmdez- 
vous, where the American troops had already joined Admiral 
Vernon's command. The force now assembled at Jamaica was 
by far the most powerful armament ever seen in West Indian waters, 
amounting to no less than 115 ships, of which over 30 were of the 
line, with 15,000 sailors and 12,000 soldiers on board. Upon 
the uniting of the forces the supreme command of the fleet was 
assumed by Admiral Vernon, to whom it had been assigned by 
Sir Robert Walpole. Admiral Vernon was an ardent advocate 
of the war, and had been in Parliament a bitter opponent of the 
pacific policy of Sir Robert Walpole's administration, and the 
idol of the opposition. He is described as a man of violmt 
temper, haughty and imperious in his bearing, of inordinate 
vanity, impatient alike of advice and control, headstrong in coun- 
cil, and jealous of his associates. It was hardly possible that 
matters could go smoothly with authority divided between two 
such men as Admiral Vernon and General Wentworth, It gboi^W 



be said, however, of the Admiral, that he so far won the regard 
of Lawrence "Washington, who served in this expedition, that the 
latter bestowed the name of his chief upon the estate which he 
owned on the banks of the Potomac and which afterwards became 
the home and burial place of his illustrious brother. General 
George Washington. 

The plan of campaign was left to be determined by a Council 
of War to be held in the West Indies. Some advocated an attack 
upon Havana, which would apparently have been at that time an 
easy conquest. In fact, a little more than twenty years later, 
on July 30, 1762, during the Seven Years' War, Havana was 
actually captured by the English after an obstinate defense, but 
the following year, under the terms of the Treaty of Paris, it was 
restored to Spain, Admiral Vernon impetuously urged the selec- 
tion of Carthagena as the point of attack, although it was by far 
the most strongly fortified place of Spanish America. So obsti- 
nately was he determined upon making the attack at that point 
that he was guilty of the singular imprudence of informing the 
French Admiral at San Domingo of his purpose, an imprudence 
which served to give the Spaniards ample notice of his plans. 

The town of Carthagena is situated on the coast of what is now 
the Republic of Colombia, about 175 miles north-east of the Gulf 
of Darien, and 300 miles from Panama. The harbor, which is 
nearly land-locked, is seven miles in length, and affords excellent 
anchorage. It has now two entrances, Boca Grande and Boca 
Chiea. The latter, the " Little Mouth," which is several miles 
south from the town, appears to have been the only one available 
160 years ago. The place is still strongly fortified, though its 
importance has greatly waned, and the population is now only 
about 9000. The climate is described as excessively hot and 
unsalubrious, while leprosy is common and yellow fever often 
makes fearful ravages. 

Admiral Vernon's insistence in making this place the point of 
attack has been severely criticised ; it is but fair to say, however, 
that an assault upon this place had been contemplated before the 
fleet had left England, as it was thought, on account of its prox- 
imity to the Isthmus of Panama, eo-operatJoii might be seeured 


with the other expedition under Commodore Anson, which had 
been sent to attack the coasts of Peru. At all events the Admi- 
ral's influence prevailed, and on March 4, 1740/1, the British 
fleet appeared before Carthagena. Upon the tongue of land or 
bar which serves to enclose the spacious harbor, were several forts 
and batteries, by which the entrance called Boca Chica was well 
defended. Upon a peninsula within the harbor stood a fort called 
Castello Grande, which commanded the approach to the city, and 
the channel had been made almost impassable by means of sunken 
ships. The ramparts of the town were mounted with 300 cannon, 
and the garrison numbered 4000 men under the command of an 
experienced general. 

On the morning of the 9th two small forts, St. Jago and San 
Philipo, were bombarded and captured. The next day troops 
were put ashore, and on the 11th, supplies and tents having been 
landed, operations were begun for the reduction of the fort at 
Boca Chica and Fort St. Joseph on the opposite side of the 
entrance to the harbor. An effective battery was constructed, 
though the work was slow on account of the exhausting effect of 
the tropical heat upon the unacclimated soldiers, while the negroes 
which had been brought from Jamaim as laborers were too much 
terrified by the unaccustomed noise of the cannon which were 
continually fired from the forts, to be relied upon for effective 
work. On the 22nd, the battery being completed, fire was opened 
upon the fort. Several ships of the fleet assisted in the bombard- 
ment, but their fire was less effective than that from the land 
battery. On the 25th, a breech having been effected, a night 
assault was made upon Fort Boca Chica, and it was captured after 
a brief struggle, together with the other outlying fortifications 
including Fort St. Joseph. A boom, consisting of cable chains 
and beams of wood, which had been constructed across the mouth 
of the harbor was then destroyed, and the fleet was thus enabled 
to effect an entrance to the outer harbor. Upon the capture of 
Boca Chica the Spanish withdrew to fortifications nearer the city. 
Admiral Veruou iu great exultation immediately *sent home a 
ship to announce the approaching victory. It was even said that 
a medal was struck in London in anticipation of the capture of 



Carthagena, bearing on one side the head of Vernon with an 
inscription as " The Avenger of his Country.'^ 

It was not until March 30th that it was determined at a Coun- 
cil of War to land soldiers, artillery and stores at a place called 
La Quinta, in the inner harbor and on the land side of Cartha- 
gena. The object of this move was to cut oflF all communication 
between the town and the country back of it, and to lay siege to 
Castle Grande and Fort San Lazaro, of whieh the former com- 
manded the mouth of the harbor, and the latter, situated upon a 
hill, commanded the to\vii. It was expected that the Admiral 
would co-operate with the land forces by sending some of the 
largest ships to batter the town. Castle Grande was evacuated by 
the Spaniards without an attempt at defence. On April 5th a 
landing was made for the purpose of attacking La Quinta. 
Brigadier Blakeney advanced with the first division of 1400 men, 
besides 200 Americans who acted as pioneers. These latter were 
detached to deploy throngh some woods and dislodge any small 
parties that might be concealed in ambush. Meanwhile the grena- 
diers advanced throngh a narrow defile, and it is interesting to 
note that their mode of attack was precisely what is now used in 
street firing, or where troops are employed against mobs. The for- 
mation being in column of platoons, the first platoon fired, and 
immediately wheeling right and left uncovered the second platoon 
which advanced to the front and fired, repeating the manoeuvre, 
and so on throughout the column. The Spanish outposts fled 
toward the city, but it was not deemed prudent to pursue them. 

The next day a party of Americans and AVest Indian negroes 
were set to work to clear the gronnd for an encampment. And 
on the 7th it was determined, under the advice of the engineer 
officers, to construct a battery from which to attack Fort San 
Lazaro. This plan Admiral Vernon regarded with contempt, and 
sent evasive answers to a request from the General that the fort 
should be bombarded by one of the large ships which were lying 
inactive. Meanwhile the Spaniards were busy strengthening the 
defenses of the fort, and the rainy season having set in, sickness 
wrought great havoc among the unacclimated assailants, who 
dropped do\vn so fest that there were scarce suifiicient men on duty 



to maintain the proper guards of the camp, much less to fell wood 
and construct a battery. At last General Wentworth, urged on 
it is said by Admiral Vernon who taunted him with delay, 
determined to attempt to carry the fort by assault. This attack 
was made before dawn on the morning of April 8th. The divi- 
sion which was ordered to attack on the right was, either through 
the mistake or treachery of the guide, led to the centre where the 
ascent was much more diflScult and the troops exposed to a mur- 
derous fire. The scaling ladders which had been provided were 
found too short to be of service at this point, and the Americans 
who were carrying them threw them down, and snatching up 
firelocks which had dropped from the hands of grenadiers who 
had fallen in the attack, mingled with the British troops and 
fought with bravery. But in spite of gallant fighting, and the 
sacrifice of many lives, the assault was found impracticable and 
the General reluctantly ordered a retreat. During a cessation of 
arms which was agreed upon, the dead were buried, and the sick 
and wounded were placed on transports and ve^ls used as hospi- 
tal ships. 

Acrimonious messages passed between the two chiefs, the 
Admiral accusing the General of dilate riness, and the General 
demanding of the Admiral support from the fleet, which was not 
afforded, until finally, at a Council of War held on the flag ship 
on April 14th, it was agreed to abandon the siege. The Admiral 
had contended that there was not depth of water in the harbor 
for the large ships ; but the evidence was plain even then that 
there was water sufficient for the draught of the largest ships 
even close up to the walls of the town. 

The fortifications that had been captured were demolished, and 
on April 16, 1741, all troops having been embarked, the fleet set sail 
for Jamaica, and it is worth noting that the last tents to be struck 
were five belonging to the American troops. Thus ended in loss, 
failure and ignominy, the attack upon Carthagena, undertaken 
with an armament estimated to have been sufficient, if its efficiency 
had not been destroyed by dissensions between the commanders, 
to have reduced the entire West Indies under the dominion of 
Great Britein. 



The suffering and loss of life from sickness were appalling. 
Hundreds fell before the guns of the Spaniards^ but thousands 
perished from disease. General Wentworth declared that his 
effective force was reduced in two days from 6600 men to 3200 ; and 
the account of the horrors of the hospital ships, as given by Smollett 
who was an eye witness, is awful in its ghastly details. He tells 
of the tropical heat ; of the sick, wounded and dying cooped between 
decks where the headway was so low that evcu sitting upright 
was impossible ; of the utter lack of surgical attendance, nursing 
and proper food ; of filth and misery aud despair ; of the dead 
unburied, flung unweighted into the sea, there to float on the 
surface of the water within view of the dying, a prey to sharks 
and vultures. His description of the so-called hospital ships 
closes with these words : " This picture cannot fail to be shocking 
to the humane reader, especially wheu he is informed that while 
those miserable objects cried in vain for assistance and actually 
perished from waut of pi'oper attendance, every ship of war in the 
fleet could have spared a couple of surgeons for their relief, and 
many young geutlemen of that profession solicited their captains 
in vain for leave to go and administer help to the sick and 
wounded. The necessities of the poor people were well known ; 
the remedy was easy and apparent, but the discord between the 
chiefs was inflamed to such a degree of diabolical rancor that tbe 
one chose rather to see his men perish than ask help of the other, 
who disdained to offer assistance unasked, though it might have 
saved the lives of his fellow subjects." Smollett describes the 
malady from which the troops and sailors suffered and perished in 
such numbers as " a bilious fever attended with such a putrefac- 
tion of the juices, that the color of the skin, which at first is 
yellow, adopts a sooty hue in the progress of the disease, and the 
patient generally dies about the third day.^' These symptoms have 
been pronounced by medical men to be those of yellow fever. 

Of the number of the Maryland troops who survived to return 
to their homes no record has beeu found- Of the New England 
troops who served in tlie West ludian campaign of the ensuing 
year, it is said that but one out of ten survived the terrible effects 
of the climate. 


It has already been remarked that the expedition against 
Carthagena was the first occasion upon which American troops 
were called upon by the British Government to serve outside the 
North American Continent. It was England's first call upon her 
Colonies as a part of what is now termed the British Empire. 

In 1878, less than thirty years ago, during the Turco-Russian 
War, Lord Beaconsfield made the somewhat dramatic stroke of 
moving an Indian Regiment from Hindostan into garrison at the 
Island of Malta. It was a hint to Russia that where British 
interests were concerned, there was an Asiatic as well as a 
European power to be reckoned with. 

Ten years ago, in 1897, upon the occasion of the celebration of 
the Queen's Jubilee in London, the sixtieth anniversary of the 
coronation of Queen Victoria, the pageant was swelled by the 
presence of troops or constabulary from Canada, from India, from 
Australia and from South Africa ; an object lesson to the world 
of the wide-spread dominion of the British Crown. And later 
still, in the war in South Africa against the Boers, both Canadian 
and Australian troops were engaged in active service on the field 
of battle. 

In the service of American troops in a war against Spain more 
than one hundred and sixty years ago, may perhaps be recognized 
the first step toward the development of an imperial policy, a 
development which was arrested and delayed for fully a century 
by the successful revolt and independence achieved by the Ameri- 
can Colonies, — a revolt and independence which taught to English 
statesmen this great lesson in statecraft : — ^If the integrity of the 
Empire as a body were to be preserved, it would not be by 
cramping the members, but by allowing to each the largest 
measure of liberty and of autonomy. 



[Fbom Admiealty Court Libexs a2^d other DocuMsasTS the Pdbuc 
Becobd Office, Londoh.] 

William Claiborne sailed on or about 24*** May, 1631, and 
arrived at Keconghton in Virginia on the 20*^ July, 1631, in the 
ship Affrica. 

The partners in the venture were 

William Cloberry who held 
Maurice Thompson " " 7« 
John Delabarr <^ 7^ 

Simon Sturgis " " Ve 

William Claiborne « « Vg 

Maurice Thompson, John Delabarr and Simon Stui^is sold out, 
and in 1637 the partners were 

William Cloberry who held ^/g 
David Moorhead " « 

William Claiborne " « Vg 

George Evelyn « « % 

The cargo sent out in the Africa was valued at £1318.19.8. 
There were 20 men-servants sent in the same ship. The other 
expenses, freight, wages, etc. amounted to £700.12.4. After- 
wards Cloberry and Company sent in the Defence, of London, 
goods etc. amounting to £170.15.1 ; and again in the ship 
Jamesy of London, goods valued at £1136.3.8, and 60 men- 
servants; and in the Bevenge^ goods valued at £311.6.0, and 
7 men-servants. 

When Evelyn went out, Cloberry and Company sent to him 
in the John and Barbara^ and the Sara and Elizabeth^ goods 
valued at £2000, and 18 men-servants. 



Petition of Cecil, Loed Baltimore. 

[This was evidently presented in March 16S7/8, and preceded the Order in 
Council printed in Md, Arck.^ Ill, 71]. 

To the Kings most excellent Ma*^®, tlie Humble Petioon of 
Cecill, Lord Baltimore 
Most humbly Sheweth 

That whereas yo' Subiect being desirous te plant a Colony of 
English in some part of Virginia, did humbly desire to have a 
part of that Territory granted to him, was referred to the 
consideracon of some of the Lords of the Councell, who upon 
hearing of the old Virginia Company and yo' Peticon'^ at severall 
times, thought fitt to advise yo' Ma^^^ to grant to yo' peticon' 
that patent of Maryland w*^^ now he enjoyeth : Afler the passing 
whereof the said Company having procured a peticon from Vir- 
ginia against the said patent subscribed by William Clay borne 
and many others, p'sented the same to yo' Ma*'^ in May 1633, 
who was pleased to referr the consideracon thereof to the Board, 
and their Lo^^" did thereupon then heare both partyes interested 
at large : And being desirous before they gave their judgm*^ in 
the cause, that there might be a mutuall accommodacon of the 
Controversy, did appoint that both pties should meete and make 
proposicons and answers to each other, and present them in 
writing to the Board, w^^ was accordingly done. Whereupon 
their Lo^^ having heard and maturely considered the Allegacons 
on either part, and particularly the ptenses of Claybome did 
then thinke fitt by an order of 3'^ Jtily, 1633, to leave your 
peticon^ to the right of his patent, and the other party to the 
course of law. Whereupon yo' peticon' hath proceeded in sending 
to that country divers Colonyes of yo' Ma*^^^ sub^ at his great 
charges, who have planted themselves in severall parts thereof to 
the great hazard of their psons, and to the benefit and security 
of yo' M**** Sub^ in Virginia, as is confessed by the Governor 
and Councell there. 

Yet, notw*^standing the said William Clayborne being not 
contented with the said order, because he must know he had no 



Legall right to his uniust p^tenscs, not long after did conspire 
w*^ the Indians to destroy two of yo^ peticon'^ Brothers with 
divers Gentlemen and others of yo** Ma*^^® Sub*® and by many 
oth^ unlawftiUe wayes to overthrow his plantacons ; Whereof he 
fayling (but continuing his malice to yo"* peticon"") whilst he is a 
prisoner at the Board upon a complaint of the Governor of Vir- 
ginia for his contemptuous and mutinous carriage towards the 
Gov'ment there and rebellious depture thaice, harth lately upon 
false premises exhibited in his peticon to yo' Ma**® obtayned a 
reference for granting of some part of yo^ peticoners country to 
him, and for examining here some p^tended wrongs menconed in 
his peticon. 

May it therefore please yo^ most Excellent Ma*^®, seeing that 
yo^ peticon^^ patent and right hath passed so many tryalls, and 
that in confidence thereof, and of yo"^ Ma*'^^ justice and favo^ he 
hath expended a great part of his estate in planting that Country ; 

That yo'' Ma*'^ wilbe pleased, in confirmation of the said order 
of the Board to leave yo^ peticon^ to his right and the said Clay- 
borne to the course of law ; that thereby yo"" Ma**® may be free 
from the clamo^ of such pretenders, and yo^ Subiect encouraged 
to proceed in the plantacon as he intended; And to that end 
that you wilbe pleased to revoke the Eeference made for the said 
Clayborne, and to give order that no grant shall pass to him or 
to any other of any part of yo^ peticon'^ Country ; And that you 
will likewise be pleased, touching the examination of the iniuryes 
p^'tended to be done by yo' peticon'^ Agents in those parts, seeing 
they are alledged to be done in Virginia, that yo' Ma*^® will be 
pleased to direct yo^ Loyall ¥et^ to the Governor and Councell 
there to examine the said complaint and to rectify their opinions 
to yo^ Ma**® that thereupon you may proceed according to 
Justice; for yo^ Peticon^ is confident that upon a true exami- 
nacon of the fact where it was comitted it will appear that the 
said Clayborne and his servants are guilty of Piracy and Murder. 

And yo' Peticoner, as in duty bound, etc. 



William Clobekhy to Sir John Coke, Knt. 
Eight Honble 

The many wrongs and oppressions w*^^ wee suffer from the 
Lord Baltimores people in Maryland who have lately, w*^ armed 
men comeing in the night, surprized our plantations, removed our 
servants, and wholy ruinated what wee had there, enforceth us to 
renew o'' complaints to his sacred Ma"®. In which way, being 
unable through sicknes to wait on you my selfe, I am bold to 
implore y*" assistance for me and my partners therein, assuring 
y^ Hon' that wee shall not omitt to be really thankfull. 

The Earl of Sterling wilbc pleased to ioync his mediation w*^ 
your Hon' in moveing his Ma*^^ for our releife. I humbly take 
my leave, and remain 

Your Hon" mogt humbly to be commanded 

William Cloberry 

London, the 28"^ day of June, 1638 

To the Eight Hon^^« Sir John Coke, Kn\ Principall Secretary 
of State, be these. 



The Kevolution in England which placed William and Mary on 
the throne, was followed by the "Protestant Revolution" in 
Maryland, with a like result, for the government of Lord Balti- 
more was swept away, and Maryland became a Royal Province 
whose Governor, Council and other officers were appointed by the 
Crown, so that Charles Lord Baltimore was still a large landholder 
but no longer a Count Palatine, 

And so, at the end of the Seventeenth Century, Maryland had 
been under the Crown for nearly tea years, during which time, all 



the Reports and letters from the Province were sent to the "Lords 
Commissioners for Trade and Foreign Plantations," or as that 
body was generally called the Board of Trade," who had charge 
of the affairs of the Colonies. 

The papers of the Board of Trade" are preserved in the 
Public Eeeord Office in London, as well as many other documents 
relating to the Colonies, and there are also many letters and reports 
to be found among the MSS. at Fulham Palace the residence of the 
Bishop of London, for in consequence of the establishment of the 
Church of England in Maryland, the connection between Church 
and State was very close, and many things relating to both, are to 
be found among the letters and reports to the Bishop of London in 
whose Diocese the Colonics were included. 

The statements, which are embodied in this paper, are derived 
from documents to be found in the two repositories which have 
been named, and refer to the state of the Province some sixty-five 
years after the landing of Leonard Calvert and the small band of 
Colonists who accompanied him. • 

In those years the Colony had " increased and multiplied " so 
that the population had reached the respectable number of 30,000 
and the settlements had spread over both sides of the Chesapeake 
Bay and the many rivers that flow into it. There were but few 
habitations far from the water, except in that part of the Province 
which lay south of the present line of the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad to Washington, where nearly all the land was taken up 
and more or less inhabited. 

Roads were few and those little better than tracks or paths 
through the woods, which heading the rivers, crossed them where 
they were shallow, or leading from river to river, where ferries 
were established for the convenience of travellers, or others who 
might wish to cross the rivers. Very often near to these ferries were 
established houses where the way-farer might find food and drink, 
and a bed, should he wish to stop over night. The rooms were 
few, and many beds were put into the same room, so that there 
were many noisy people crowded together and these places were 
not always " havens of rest," however weary the traveller might be. 


Tile most common highway was the water, which furnished at 
nearly all times an easy means of communication for those who 
wi^ed to go from one part of the Province to anofier, whether 
their object was pleasure, or whether they wished to send their 
tobacco to the vessels, which lay in the rivers until their cargoes 
were completed, and several vessels were ready to sail for England. 

The inhabitants of the Western Shore were more numerous than 
those on the Eastern Shore, and about three-fifths of the population 
were west of the Chesapeake Bay, while if we divide the Province 
by a line running east and west through the Patapsco and Chester 
rivers, we find four-fifths of the population are south of that line. 

Of the population, there were about three thousand Quakers, a 
smaller number of Roman Catholics, about three thousand negroes, 
and nearly all the rest were of the Church of England, 

The greater part of the negroes came from Africa, although 
some had been born in Maryland and some came from Barbadoes 
and a few from Virginia. 

In a letter dated the 20 August, 1698, Governor Nicholson 
speaks of the number of negroes which w^ere being brought into 
the Province and says : 

" There hath been imported this summer about four hundred 
and seventy odd negroes viz. 396 in one ship directly from Guiny, 
50 from Virginy, 20 from Pennsylvania, which came thither from 
Barbadoes : a few others from otlier places .... their common 
practice is on Saturday nights and Sundays, and on 2 or 3 days in 
Christmas, Easter & Whitsuntide is to go and see one another 
tho^ at 30 or 40 miles distance I have, several times both in 
Virginy and here met negros, both single and 6 or 7 in Company 
in the night time. The major part of the negros speak English, 
and most people have some of them as their domestic servants & 
the better sort have 6 or 7 in those circumstances, and may be not 
above one English. And they send the Negro men and boys 
about the Country where they have business : and they commonly 
wait on them to all publick places, so that by these means they 
know not only the public but private roads of the country and 
eiroumst^ces thereof." 


The Governor thought that there was danger to the welfare of 
the Province in the increasing ijumber of negroes, as he feared that 
a people who had so little ia common with the white man, and 
many of whom spoke no English, might conspire among themselves 
and with the Indians to work some grievous harm. Their intimate 
knowledge of the country and of the habits of their masters and 
their families added greatly in his opinion to their power for harm 
doing, should tiiey be led away by the Indians or designing 

They continued to arrive, however, and in the ten years from 
1699 to 1708, twenty vessels arrived bringing 2938 negroes, all 
of whom came from Africa, except 126 who came from Barbadoes 
in two vessels. The largest number, which came in one vessel, 
was 320, who were brought in the Henry Mxmday which arrived 
in 1700, but with one exception, none of the atliers brought over 

Efforts were made to teach them the truths of Christianity, and 
that some were baptised is shown by entries in the Parish Records, 
copies of which are in the posseision of the Maryland Historical 

Before 1694 there were four clergymen of the Church of 
England residing in Maryland, supported, as the Churches were 
built, by voluntary contributions, but the Act which was passed in 
1692, provided for the division of the counties into parishes and 
laid a tax for the support of the clergy, so that a certainty of 
support was offered to them, with the result that through the efforts 
of the Bishop of London and Dr. Bray, his Commissary for Mary- 
laud, before the end of the century more than twenty parishes 
were supplied with clca'gymen. 

Governor Nicholson was very zealous in the cause of the Church 
and of education, and one of the charges made against him was 
his great extravagance in building churches and schools. He 
wrote in March 1697 : When I came hither (1694) I found very 
few of the Churches built according to the former Act of Assembly ; 
but I hope in God that they will be all finished this year & then 
we shall want Clergymai and a Commisgary to inspect th€ Church 


Affairs for whose maintenance an Act is passed and now sent to 
your Lordships. My Lord Bishop of London hath promised to 
send an able Commissary and some good Clergymen as also school 
Masters for the Free schools for establishing of which there was 
an act passed .... It is some charge to his Majesty to supply 
these parts with ministers, and schoolmasters, His Majesty being 
graciously pleased to allow twenty pounds to each of them for 
their Transportation, without which, H. M. bounty, I suppose 
very few of them would be able to transport themselves. 

" There is often very great want and now especially of good 
Clergymen and Schoolmasters in these parts of the world, and I 
will not venture to answer for some of their lives and conversa- 

" I hope (God Willing) to be able by the next Fleet to give 
your Lordships an account of a pretty good Church and School 
being nigh finished in this place, 

" The chief Place of residence of Jesuits and Priests is within 
two miles of Marys, where they have a good brick Chappell, 
and about 5 or 6 wooden ones in other places in the Country. Of 
Priests and Jesuits there is commonly six or seven in the Country, 
and they have sevcrall good plantations to live upon ; but I 
suppose they have allowances from England and other places, and 
from the people of their persuasion in this country.'^ 

The church in Annapolis was not finished for several years, and 
then it was not so large or handsome as had been intended by our 
worthy Governor who wished it to be the church of the Province, 
and had subscriptions for the building of it, taken up in all the 
parishes. He said that as many persons from all parts of the 
Province official and others, were in Annapolis, the whole Province 
was interested in this church and ought to subscribe to it. He 
contributed much to the building of churches and schools, as well 
in money, as by his uncea»sing efforts to encourage those concerned 
in the work. 

The Bishop of London had appointed as his Commissary, 
Th*f Bray, (whose name is so well known in connection with the 
organization of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel), 



and before coming to Maryland^ the Commissary interested himself 
in procuring libraries for the different parishes thinking that in a 
new and sparsely settled eouniry it would be difficult or impossible, 
for the clergymen to have access to books. 

The parishes were more or less well endowed — "Christ Church'' 
in Calvert County having the largest income viz: 21,480 lbs of 
tobacco and John^s in Baltimore County the smallest, viz : 5,120 
B)s. John's Parish included the Gunpowder River and in it was 
the Court House of the county. There was no rector yet of any 
parish in Baltimore County and the largest "Patapsco," or "Saint 
Paul's," — ^which included both sides of the Patapsco river as well 
as Back river and part of Middle river — only yielded an income 
of 8720 Bbs of tobacco, so that it was united with " Broad Neck " 
Parish in Ann Arundell County under one rector, the Eeverend 
Edward Top. Broad Neck Parish included that part of Ann 
Arundell County which was north of the Severn Eiver, and its 
income was 8920 H)s, so that the two parishes had not more than 
many single parishes in the more southern part of the Province. 
It was not until 1702, that Saint Paul's had its own rector, Mr. 
Tibbs, and at that time Df Bray had received subscriptions in 
England to the amount of £50 per anniun for the support of a 
clergyman for Saint Paul's Parish, 

So inconsiderable were the settlements on the Patapsco, that 
according to a return made in 1698, only three shallops were 
owned in Baltimore County, and no vessels of any kind had been 
built. "Shallops" were small vessels used for the navigation of 
the Bay and rivers and carried from 12 to 18 hhds each, and 
the whole number owm^ in the Province was fifty-four. The 
pungy is not mentioned, and it is probable that that vessel, which 
belongs so peculiarly to the Chesapeake Bay, had not then been 
evolved. Of bay craft larger than " shallops " there were " sloops," 
which carried from 18 to 50 hhds each and of which there were 
sixty-one, so that in addition to canoes and small boats, there were 
one hundred and fifteen small vessels engaged in the trade of the 
Chesapeake. There were besides seagoing vessels, "pinks" and 
"brigantines" numbering fourteen of from 50 to 120 imm emh, 
and three ships of about 300 tons each. 


If Baltimore was unknown, and no ship building was going on 
on the shores of the Patapsco, Maryland-built vessels were known 
and appreciated in England, for within ten years two siiips a»d 
one brigantine had been bnilt for English owners. One of the 
ships belonged to Liverpool and was built by Major John Lowe 
of Mary's County ; and the other The Tormngion Loy^^, 
was built by John Olliver of Kent County, and belonged to 
Torrington in Devon. She was loaded at Annapolis and carried 
200 hhds of tobaceo. 

In 1698, there were on the stoeks three ships for Maryland 
owners, and one of 450 tons for English owners, while of smaller 
vessels, there were 1 brigantine and 8 sloops in eonrse of construc- 
tion. Among the eommanders were Cap* Rieh? Hill Jr., Henry 
Hill and Th? Franels and among the apprentices were Benjamin 
and Charles sons of Co] W^? Burgess and Joshna and Samnel sons 
of Major Edward Dorscy and Edward son of Captain John Dorsey 
all of Ann Arundel County. 

It is well known that the relations between the Mary landers and 
the Indians were friendly, but ^^Eangers" were continually on 
guard in the exposed parts of the Province, to watch the move- 
ments of the savages. In a letter from Co? John Addison of 
Prinee George County, there is a statement in regard to the 
rangers, which may be interesting in the absence of any knowledge 
of the movements of thoisc of Baltimore County. The letter is 
dated 19 May, 1698. 

"The Rangers that is Col Beale, Th«.« Orbon, J^ Taylor, 3^ 
Walker, James Draine and J? Teares assembled at the head of the 
Eastern Branch. Cap! Ri. Owen, Smith, Morgan Faibell, 
J*." Riggs, Th^.' Fletcher, and Marshall at the plantation where 
J?.® Lish was killed at the month of Goose Creek. And they 
rangM out there, of each company, every week their turns. Cap* 
Owen hath been up at the Sugar-Loaf-Mountain on this side, his 
last time ont : but met with no Indians ; only the woods they 
were newly burned. Col Bcale and his party last week ranged up 
the Eastern branch, and so to Mr. Snowdens Quarter, an-d headed 
Rodk Cre^ aed so down Potoiaoke, but discoverfed 



He says at the end of his letter " All my family and my ueigh- 
hours remain very sickly/^ and from the reputation of the country 
on the Potomac River below Washington in these days, we may 
well imagine that "Fever aud Ague^^ held sway in those parts 
200 years ago before any suspicion had fallen on the familiar 

The reputation of Col John Addison is well known to students 
of Maryland history as that of a man universally respected and 
esteemed, and it may be well to give the report of Sir Thomas 
Lawrence, Secretary of the Proviuee, in regard to some of his 
contemporaries, who were proposed for the Council. He says : 
" Robert Quarry is an honest gentleman but engaged in the service 
of Pennsylvania. 

" Henry Lowe — is now Sheriff of Saint Mary's County and is 
a gentleman of good senee and fortune, he maryed a Relation of 
my Lord Baltimore who is a strict Papist. 

"John Hammond — is an elderly man grave and serious, of a 
good Estate, he hath been one of the Provincial Justices and lives 
within three miles of Annapolis. 

" Thomas Tasker — is a Planter and Merchant of good substance 
and esteem, he lives twenty miles from Annapolis, on this side of 
Patuxent River. 

" Edward Dorsey — ^lives near Annapolis and builds houses there, 
those who have dealings with him say his honesty oftner fails him 
than his wit. 

" Francis Jenkins — is a man of the best sence and Estate &e in 
Somei^et County, wlio hath born all offices there and is proposed 
iu the room of David Brown deceased. 

"William Hatton — lives in Charles County, is reputed an 
honest man and of good substance. 

" Df Thomas Bray — Commissary to my Lord Bishop of London 
who hath taken great care in the choice of neer twenty Ministers 
sent over within these three years, and of procuring sixteen 
parochial Libraries sent thither in which he is out of Pocket him- 
self between two aud three hundred pouuds.^' 

Df Braj never becniaae a member of the Council, but his name 


must ever be had in honour in Maryland^ for his influenee on her 
future was very great. His great objeets were the establishing of 
Libraries — not only in Maryland but in other colonies — and the 
conversation and eivilising of the negroes, and these he pursued 
zealously^ even after he returned to England. Among the MSS. in 
the Bodleian Library at Oxford there is one relating to Bray, 
from whieh the following is taken : 

"The Secretary, Sir Th? Lawrence, with Dy Bray did in behalf 
of the Province of Maryland wait upon the then Princess of 
Denmark, her late Majesty, humbly to request the gracious accep- 
tance of the Governors and Countrys dutiful action in having 
denominated Ihe Metropolis of their Province then but lately built, 
from her Royal Highness name Annopolis (sic) and soon after, he 
being favoured with a noble benefaction from the same Royal Hand 
towards his Libraries in America, he dedicated the premier Library 
in those parts, fixed at Annapolis and which has books of the 
choicest kind belonging to it, to the valued of near £400, to her 
glorious memory by the Title of the Annapolitan Library : which 
words are inscribed upon the several Books, as well in gratitude to 
her late Majesty, as for there better preservation from Joss or 

This premier library contained 1,095 books and in addition a 

libraiy was established in each parish under the care of the rector. 
The number of books in each parish varied, but the whole number 
was 1466, and the inhabitants of each parish thus had the use of 
books, which it would have been impossible for them to buy for 
themselves, but which must have been much wanted by many of 
those who lived in the sparsely settled country. 



{Gontinued from Vol. Ilf p» 64), 

13. John Blakistone ^ (John,^ Nehemiah^^ John,^ Marmoduhe ^) 
iBherited Longworth's Point and other property frcnn his 
father. The Rent Roll for St. Mary's County records that, 
in 1754, he held two tracts of 450 acres and 100 acres res- 
pectively in St. Clement's Manor, and this land certainly 
inclnded Longworth's Point which was subseqnently devised 
by the will of his son Nehemiah Herbert Blakistone. John 
Blakistone died 18 Jan. 1756^ having four days previously 
made a nuncupative will proved on the day of his death by 
the oaths of John Coode, John Mason, and Cyrus Simpson. 
In this will he names his sons Nehemiah Herbert (eldest), 
George, and John Blakistone ; his wife Eleanor Blakistone ; 
and his sister Susanna Mason (Annapolis, Lib. 30, fol. 45). 
He married Eleanor daughter of Col. George Dent of Charles 
County. She married, secondly, Alexander McFarlane of 
St. Mary's Co. (d. 1766), and thirdly, .... Bayard. John 
Blakistone and Eleanor (Dent) his wife had issue : — 

31. i. Nehkmtah Herbert Blakistone,^ d. 1816. 

ii. George Blakistone, d. s. p., 1774. His will, dated 13 Jan., proved 30 

April, 1774, mentions his mother and his two brothers. 
Hi, John Blakistone, d. 1802, leaving by will (dated 21 April, 1791, proved 
19 Feb. 1802) his whole estate to his wife Mary. 

14*. Thomas Blakistone^ (Jb^n/ Nehemiah,^ Jolm^ Marma- 
duke^) died, apparently unmarried, in November, 1742. 
His will, dated 10 Nov., proved 8 Dee. 1742 (Annapolis, 
Lib. 23, fol. 15) mentions his sister Elizabeth Neale ; 
Matthew Mason three children, Matthew, Nehemiah Rod- 
ham, and Dorcas Mason; his sister Susanna Mason and 
" the child she is big with " ; James, Bennett, and Raphael 
Neale, sons of Rosweil Neale ; and " my three brothers, 
John Blakistone, Rosweil Neale, and Robert Mason.'^ 
Testator's brother John Blakistone is constituted executor. 

14. Pride Aux Blakiston^ {John,^ John,^ George^ Marma- 
duke^) was bom in 1696; and gives his age as 39 years in 



a deposition made in 1735 (Kent Co. Eecords). 6 August 

1720 he rendered an account as administrator of the estate 
of his brother John Blakiston, Jun. (Accounts, Lib. 3, foh 
62), his name being erroneously written in the record " Fred- 
erick" instead of Prideaux. He married, 27 July 1729 
(St. PauPs, Kent Co.), Martha, widow of William Dunn and 
daughter of Michael Miller, and with his wife rendered an 
account of her former husband, William Dunnes estate in 
1732 (Accounts, Lib. 11, fol. 596). Prideaux Blakiston had 
a son of the same name, as appears by a deed, dated 25 Jan. 
1775, whereby Prideaux Blaldston of Kent County conveys 
to John Page of the same county, 44 acres, part of Boxlcy, 

devised by my grandfather, John Blakiston to my father, 
Prideaux Blakiston'^ (Kent Co., Lib. DD., No. 5, fol. 17). 

15. Thomas Blakiston^ (JoAn,^ JbAn,^ George,^ Marmaduke^) 
was baptized 4 May 1701 (St. PauPs, Kent Co). In the 
entry of his baptism he is called the son of Thomas and 
Hannah — ^an obvious clerical error. He sold his share of 
Boxley to his brother Michael. 4 April 1741, Thomas 
Blakiston and Margaret, his wife, convey to Michael Blak- 
iston, 50 acres, part of Boxley (Kent Co., Lib. IS., No. 23, 
fol. 240). Thomas Blakiston married Margaret, daughter 
of Col. Nathaniel Hynson. 26 August 1728, Joseph Young 
of Kent County and Mary, his wife, convey to Margaret 
Blakiston (formerly Margaret Hynson) wife of Thomas Blak- 
iston of the same County, and daughter to the said Mary 
Young, the grantor, 100 acres, part of the tract Partnership, 
bequeathed to the said Mary by Col. Nathaniel Hynson^ late 
of Kent County, deceased (Kent Co., Lib., IS., No. 10, fol. 
277). In the will of Col. Nathaniel Hynson, dated 4 May 

1721 and proved 16 Jan. 1721/2 (Kent Co., Lib. 1, fol. 
213), this tract is devised to the testator's wife, Mary. The 
will of Thomas Blakiston, dated 17 April, proved 7 Sept., 
1753 (Annapolis, Lib. 28, fol. 526), names the children 
given below. Thomas Bkkisl©ii aod Maigaret (Hjfnson), 
his wife, had issue : — 

i. Elijah Blakiston.^ 

ii. Thomas Blakiston. 

iii. John Blakiston. 

iv. Hannah Blakiston. 
V. Maby Blakiston. 

vi. Rebecca Blakiston. 

vii. Lettice Blakiston. 



16. Vincent Blakiston^ (Jolm,^ John,^ George,^ Marmaduhe^) 
was baptized 6 Feb. 1703/4 (St. PauPs, Kent Co.) and died 
in 1769. He was twdce married. The register of St. PauFs 
Parish records the births of three children of Vincent and 
Mary Blakiston, while in his will he names his wife Susanna. 
By his second marriage he seems to have had no issue. The 
will of Vincent Blakiston of Kent County, dated 11 Nov. 
1768, was proved 20 March 1769 (Annapolis, Lib. 37, fol. 
561). He leaves his whole estate, real and personal, to his 
wife, Susanna, during widowhood ; negro boy Tom to my 
wife^s grand-daughter, Rebecca Miller; negro boy, Chester, 
to James Blakiston, son of Ebenezer ; bequest to my son-in- 
law, Alexander Beck ; the remainder of my land, being 50 
acres, part of Boxley, to my said son-in-law, with remainder 
to his children ; if he has no child, then to the said James 
Blakiston, son of Ebenezer ; my wife executrix. Witnesses : 
Thos. Einggold, James Williamson, Eichard Wickes. Vin- 
cent Blakiston and Mary, his first wife, had issue : — 

i. Maey Blakiston,^ b. 10 Oct. 1731. 

ii. Hannah Blakiston, b. April 17 — . 

iii. Page Blakiston, b. 10 April 17 — , d. s. p., 1762. His will (dated 

25 Jan., proved 1 Kov., 1762) leaves to Balph Page all his right, 
title, etc. , to tracts called Middle Branch and Hazard, and appoints 
him executor. Witnesses : Anne Blakistone, Sarah Blakistone, 
William Bkikislone (Anaapolie, Lib. 31, foL 844). 

17. Ebenezeb Blakiston^ (John,^ John,^ George,^ Marma- 
duJce^) sold his share of Boxley to his brother "William. 
29 July 1741, Ebenezer Blakiston, Jun. of Kent County, 
with Mary, his wife, conveys to William Blakiston of same 
County, 50 acres, part of Boxley, willed to the said Ebenezer 
by his deceased father, John Blaldston, lying near Swan 
Creek in Kent County (Kent Co., Lib. IS., No. 23, fol. 
316). He died in 1777, intestate, 14 Nov. 1777, Mary 
Blakiston of Kent Co., widow, gave bond in £1000 sterling, 
as administratrix of Ebenezer Blakiston, late of said County, 
deceased, her sureties being Thomas and Marmaduke Med- 
ford, both of Kent Countx(Kent Co. Admin. Bonds, Lib. 6, 
fol. 32). Ebenezer Blakiston married, 14 April 1737, Mary 
Maxwell (St. PauFs, Kent Co.), but as he left no will it is 
difficult to trace his issue. 

18. William Blakiston ^ (JbAn,^ John,^ George^^ Marmaduke^) 
married 5 Feb. 1735/6 (St. PauPs register) Ann, daughter 




of Jacob Glenn of Kent County, who mentions his daughter 
Ann Blakiston and her husband, William Blakiston in his 
will (dated 24 April, proved 1 Dec., 1746). She was bom 
4 Oct. 1714 (St. Paul's). William Blakiston held 60 acres 
of Boxley by the terms of his father's will, and he purchased 
50 acres more from his brother, Ebenezer (see above). He 
held, therefore, 100 acres of this tract, and this he sold in 
1742, to his brother Michael. 23 Nov. 1742, William 
Blakiston of Kent County and Ann, his wife, convey to 
Michael Blakiston of the same County, 100 acres, part of 
Boxley, near Swan Creek, in Kent County (Kent Co., Lib. 
IS., No. 24, fol. 71). Between this date and 1746 he 
removed to Kent County, Delaware. 12 Dec. 1745, John 
Hanmer of Kent Co., Md., conveys to William Blakiston of 
Kent Co., on Delaware, a tract of 200 acres on Longford's 
Bay, called New Key (Kent Co., Lib. IS., No. 25, fol. 352). 
He sold this land some two years later. 4 .Sept. 1747, Wil- 
liam Blakiston of Kent County, upon Delaware, and Ann, 
his wife, convey to John Ringgold of Kent County, Mary- 
land, 200 acres, called New Key, purchased by the grantor 
from one John Haumer, 12 Dec. 1745 (Kent Co., Lib. IS., 
No. 26, fol. 71). A closer approximation to the date of 
William Blakiston's removal to Delaware is given by a deed 
at Dover (Lib. N., fol. 2). 29 Aug. 1743, John Scott, late 
of Kent County, Delaware, but now of Orange County, 
Virginia, conveys to William Blakiston of Kent County, 
Delaware, part of a tract, called Chester, on Duck Creek. 
His wife Ann was living as late as 28 Feb. 1750, when 
she joined her husband in a deed (Dover, Lib. O., fol. 83). 
Between 26 Aug. 1765 and 12 May 1756 (Dover Records), 
William Blakiston married, as his second wife, Mary, ^ndow 
. JL^of Thomas Williams and daughter of Thomas Courtney of 
Kent County, Delaware. He died in 1758, intestate and 
administration on his estate was committed to John Pleas- 
anton, his widow, Mary having renounced her right to 
administer (Dover, Lib. K., fol. 180). 

William Blakiston and Ann (Glenn) his wife had issue (with 
perhaps others) : 

i. Frakcina Blakiston,^ b. 16 Jan. 1736/7 (St. Paul's, Kent Co.). 
22. ii. Presley Blakiston, b. 1 Jan. 1741 (Family Becord). 

19. Michael Blakiston^ (John,^ John,^ Geoj-ge,^ 3farmaduke^) 
was baptized at St. PauFs, 2 Dec. 1711, and he died in 



1758. He married Ann Bradshaw, 8 Dee. 17 — , the date 
being: partly obliterated in St. PauFs register. His will 
dated 24 Oet. 1757 and proved 2 Mareh 1758, names his 
wife, Ann, his sons, William, Michael, and John, and his 
daughter, Sarah, and provides that the residue of his personal 
estate is to be divided among " all my children at majority, 
his sons to be of age at 21 and his daughters at 16 or mar- 
riage. The will of Ann Blakiston, widow of Miehael, is 
dated 29 Sept. 1771 and was proved 7 Dee. following. She 
names her daughters, Sarah and Ann, her son, John, and her 
grand-children, Richard and Ann Blakiston, and leaves the 
residue of her estate among all my children." The issue 
of Michael Blakiston and Ann (Bradshaw) his wife, as derived 
from their wills, and from the register of St. PauPs Parish, 
was as follows : — 

i. William Blakiston,^ d. s. p., 1763. 

ii. Michael Bi/AKISTON, b. 24 Sept. 1738 ; mar. Eachel .... and had 

a) Richard,' b. 27 April 1768, b. ) Ann,' b. 7 July 1769. 

iii. Sarah Blakiston, b. 22 July 1741. 

iv. John Blakiston, b. 14 May 1743. 
V. James Blakiston, b. 28 Nov. 1746. 
vi. George Blakiston, b. 2 Jan. 1748/9. 

vii. Ann Blakiston, b. 28 March 1750. 

riii. BiCHABD Blakiston, b. 1 March 1757. 

20. Benjamin Blakiston ^ {John/ John/ George/ Marmadukc ^) 
died in 1760. His will, dated 3 May 1758 and proved 23 
Dec. 1760, bequeaths a large landed estate lying in Kent and 
Queen Anne Counties, and mentions his wife, Sarah, his 
sons, John, William, and George (minor), his daughters, Sarah 
Comegys, Ann Spearman^ and Priscilla Blakiston, and his 
grand-children, Benjamin, Richard, and Ebenezer Blakiston^ 
sons of his son John. Testator's wife, Sarah and his son, 
William are appointed executors. The will of Mrs. Sarah 
Blakiston, widow of Benjamin (dated 8 Jan., proved 21 Jan. 
1764) mentions her sou, George Blakiston, her grand-daugh- 
ter, Sarah Comegys, her grand-son, John Thormond, and her 
grand-daughter, Ann Worrell. The register of Shrewsbury 
Parish, Kent County, records the birth, 21 Sept. 1728, of 
Ebenezer, son of Benjamin and Sarah Blakiston ; he probably 
died before his parents. Benjamin Blakiston and Sarah, his 
wife, had issue : — 

23. i. John Blakiston,® d. 1774. 

ii. Ebenezer Blakiston, b. 21 Sept. 1728. 

24. iii. WiiiUAM Blakiston, d. 1776. 



25. iv. George Blakiston. 

V. Sarah Blakiston, mar. Bartus Comegys. 

vi, Ann Blakiston, mar. William Sp^rman. 

vii. PBiaciLLA mar. Bmm Worrell. 

21. Nehemiah Heebert Blakistone^ (John,^ Jo An/ Nehe- 
miahy^ John,^ Marmaduhe^) died in 1816. His will, dated 
7 July 1814, was proved in St. Marj^s County, 8 June 1816, 
and in it he devises to his children, Longworth^s Point, 
which had descended to him from his great-grandfather. Col. 
Nehemiah Blakistone and Elizabeth Gerard, his wife. The 
records of King and Queen Parish, St. Mary's County, show 
that Nehemiah Herbert Blakistone was several times elected 
a vestryman of the parish. He married first, 30 Jan. 1772, 
Mary Cheseldine, daughter of Kenelm and Chloe Cheseldine 
(King and Queen register), and secondly, in August 1801, 
Eleanor Gardiner Hebb (St. Mary's Co. Mar. Lie). By his 
firet wife, Mary Cheseldine, he had issue (dates of birth from 
King and Queen register) : — 

i. Thomas Blakistone,' b. 10 April 1773. 

ii. Eleanor Blakistone, b, 14 iJec. 1774, 

26. ill. Kenelm Blakistone, b. 24 Dec. 1776. 
iv. Maby Blakistone, b. 6 Dec. 1778. 

27. V. George Blakistone, b. 28 Nov. 1780. 

vi. Margaret Blakistone, b. 1784 j d. 20 Jan. 1846; mar. . . . . 


vii. Dent Blakistonb. 

Nehemiah Herbert Blakistone and Eleanor Gardiner Hebb, 
his second wife, had issue : — 

i. Henry Herbert Blakistone, mar. Dec. 1826, Ann E. Shanks. 

ii. John Blakistone, b. 1806 ; d. 14 Feb. 1863. 

iii. Bernard Blakistone, d. 1832 ; mar. Nov. 1831, Rebecca Jordan 


iv. Caroline Gardiner Blakistone, d. unmarried, 1817. 

v. Juliana Blakistoite. 

vi. Janb Maria Blakistone, mar. Jan. 1831, Kob^ McK. Hammett. 

22. Presley Blakiston*^ {William,^ John,^ Johriy^ George,^ 
Ma7*7naduke ^) removed to Philadelphia as a young man and 
his descendants continue to reside in that city. He was 
married at Christ Church, Philadelphia, 12 Sept. 1765, to 
Sarah Wamock (b. 1746) and they had msue as follows : — 

i. Ann Blakiston,' b. 1 June 1766, 

ii. William Blakiston, b. 21 July 1768. 

iii. Elizabeth Blakiston, d. young. 

iv. John Blakiston, b. 15 Nov. 1773 ; grandfather of Kenneth M. 

Blakiston, head of the publishing house, P. Blakiston' s Son & Co. 



V. Sakah Blakiston, b. 6 Aug. 1779. 

vi. Mary Blakiston. 

vii. Rebecca Blakiston, b. 1788. 

viii. Rachel Offley Blakiston. 
ix. Elizabeth Blakiston. 

23. John Blakiston ^ (Benjamin,^ John,^ John,^ George,^ Mar- 
maduke^) died in 1774. His will, dated 28 Nov. 1774, was 
proved 21 Dec. following. By Frances, his wife, he had 
issue : — 

i. Benjamin BiiA^ESTON,'^ d. 1785. 

ii. Ebenezer Biakiston. 

iii. John Blakiston. 

iv. Lewis Blakiston. 

V, Richard Blakiston, d. s. p. before 1774. 

24. William Blakiston^ (Ben/jamin,^ John^^ John,^ George^ 
MarmaduJce^) died in 1775. His will, dated 3 April 1772, 
was proved 27 Jan. 1775. By Ann, his wife, he had 
issue : — 

i. Benjamin Blakiston,^ d. 1801 ; married .... and had a) Ann 

Blakiston, 8 b) William Blakiston, c) James Blakiston. 

ii. Samuel Blakiston, d. 1796. 

iii. William Blakiston. 

iv. Elizabeth Blakiston. 

25. George Blakiston^ (Benjamin,'^ John,^ John^^ George,^ 
Marmaduhe^) died in 1778. His will, dated 9 Aug. 1778, 
and proved 1 Oct, following, is recorded at Dover, Delaware. 
By Martha, his wife, he had issue : — 

i. Ebenezer Blakiston.^ 

ii. John Blakiston. 

iii. Frances Blakiston. 

iv. Sarah Blakiston. 

V. pRisciLLA Blakiston. 

26. Kenelm Blaicistone^ (Nehemiah Hefichert,^ John,^ John,^ 
Nehemiahy^ John^'^ Mamnaduke^) was born 24 Dec. 1776 and 
died in 1821. He married, l^ Chloe Tarlton (license 6 Feb. 
1800), 2^ Juliet Locke (license 22 April 1816). His will, 
dated, 12 Jan. (with codicil, 16 Jan.) 1821, was proved in 
St. Mary^s County, 8 Feb. following. 

Kenelm Blakistone had issue : — 

i. Nathaniel Blakistone,^ imr., June 1822, Hc^y Mor|^. 

ii. Stephen Blakistone. 
iii, Ferdinand Blakistone, 



27. George Blakistone^ (Nehemiah Herbert,^ JohUy^ John^^ 
Neliemiah^^ Johuy^ Marmaduke^) was bom 28 Nov. 1780, 
and his will, dated 7 Nov. 1842, was proved in St. Mary's 
County, 17 Jan. 1843. He married (license, 18 Jan. 1813) 
Rebecca Goldsmith and had ismie : — 

L James Thomas Blakistone,^ mar., Nov. 1840, Ann, daughter of 
D{ William Thomas of Cremona, St. Mary's Co., and Eliza, his 
wife, daughter of Henry and Mary (Sothoron) Tubman. 

ii. Dr. Richard Pinkney Blakistone, mar 

iii. GEORGJfi Wellington Blakistone, mar., 27 May 1845, Joanna 


iv. LiLiAS D. Blakistone, mar., Jan. 1§39, John F. Dent. 

V. Zachariah Demeneau Blakistone, mar., 10 Jan. 1860, Harriet 
Ann Shanks. 

vi. LuciNDA Blakistone, mar., May 1854, J. K. W. Mankin. 

vii. Ann Rebecca Blakistonb, mar., Nov. 1856, Biscoe Cheseldine. 

viii. Pbiscilla Hebb Blakistone, mar Lancaster. 


Commukicated by Mb. Lothrop Withington, 30 Little Eussell Street, 

W. C, London. 

Elizabeth Levett of Prince George's County, Maryland, 
widow. See Mag., i, 380-381. 

[The following extracts from the records at Annapolis should be added to the 
note in Mag. f i, 381. 18 Aug, 1703, Account of Daniel Mariarte of Anne Arundel 
Co. , executor of Honor Mariarte, late deceased — Item, a legacy from deceased to 
Rachel Lawrence as per receipt of Benjamin Lawrence (Inv. & Acc. Lib. 24, p. 
43). 24 July, 1704, Additional account of do. — shows payments to Edward 
Mariarte in part of his portion ; *^a legacy to Margaret, sister to accountant and 
wife of Thomas Sprigg, Jr. ; and a legacy to Elizabeth Clarke, another sister 
(Lib. W. B., no. 3, p. 415). 2 Oct. 1706, Third additional account of do. shows 
payments to Benjamin Lawrence, who married Rachel, daughter of said Honor 
Mariarte," and to Edward Mariarte, son of the deceased (Inv. & Acc. Lib. 25, 
p. 414)]. 

John Westcott, citizen and Apothecary of London. Will 11 
April, 1694 ; proved 9 Nov. 1696. To the poor of All Halowes 
Barking, London, wherein I now dwell, £5. To the poor of 
Ham in Parish of Kingston, upon Thames, 40 shillings. To my 
wife, Mary, £200, my house and goods in Kingston, Surrey, in 
possession of Daniel Needham, Maultman, and two houses in Shoe 
Lane, London, in possession of Henry Dutton, turner, and Hugh 
Davis, painter, and all my jewels to be enjoyed by her for life. 



and after to my son, Samuel. To my son, Samuel, the Bull Inn, 
Kingston, and houses in Kingston. To my three daughters, 
Anne, Sarah, and Mary, £500 each. To my mother-in-law, Mrs. 
Mary Chamblett, to Mrs. Elizabeth Devon, to Mr. Will and Mr. 
Thomas Bloom, to Mrs. Rebecca Chamblett, to Mr. Riches Cham- 
blett, to my sisters, Elizabeth Gunstone and Sarah Sharp, £4 
apiece. To my sisters, Elizabeth Gunstone and Sarah Sharp, £3 
per annum for life. To my brother, Thomas Westcott of the 
Island of Nevis, £10. A bill not to be put against my sister, 
Mary Gray of Maryland, in Virginia. Executor, Mr. William 
Bloome. Witnesses : John Jackson, Francis Colling wood, servants 
to Mr. Stokes, Coffeeman in Exchange Alley, London. Codicil, 
19 Oct. 1696, revoking £3 a year to Sarali Shai'p and mentioning 
her son, William Sharp to try and get him into hospital by Sir 
John Moore's influence. Witnesses : William Bloome, Thomas 
Wakelin, William Brown. Bond, 236. 

John Langley of St. Saviour^s, Southwalk, Co. Surrey, 
Phisitian. Will 9 February, 1698 ; proved 15 February, 1698. 
To my two sons, William and Richard £50 each. To my two 
daughters, Elizabeth and Tomazin, £100 each. To my daughter, 
Margaret Day, now in Maryland, £40. To my daughter, Sarah 
Sidbury, £10. To my wife, Tomazin Langley, house, etc., in 
Lambeth. To my friend, Eichard Drew, Citizen and Merchant 
Taylor of London, and his wife, £5 and 20 shillings. To my 
friend, James Moore and wife, 20 shillings each. Residuary 
legatee and executrix, my wife, Tomazin Langley. Witnesses : 
Sam^ Hilliard, Thomas Legg, John Martin. Pett, 26. 

Henky Lowe of St. Mary^s Co., Maryland, Gent. Will dated 
25 Oct. 1717 ; proved 14 Nov. 1717, in Maryland. To my son, 
Henry Lowe, Junior, the land he now liveth on containing 1300 
acres. To my son, Bennett Lowe, the land he now liveth on. 
To my son, Thomas, my old plantation in the Freshes. To my 
son, Nicholas, my now dwelling plantation. To my three daugh- 
ters, Anne Lowe, Elizabeth Lowe, and Henrietta Maria Lowe, 
land called Golden Grove. To my daughter, Dorothy Lowe, my 
new design m the Freshes. To my daughter, Mary Lowe, the 
Woods quarter. To my son, Henr}'-, land called Green Oak. To 
my son, Bennett, all my lands in Baltimore Co., held between Mr. 
Darnall and myself. To my son, Harry, £300. To my son, 
Bennett, £250. To my daughter, Susanna Maria, wife of Mr. 
Charles Digges, £100 in full of her portion of my estate. All the 



rest to be divided among the children (my said daughter, Susanna 
Maria, excepted). Executors, sons Henry and Bennett. Wit- 
nesses : Samuel Grastis, Ei : Brooks, Mic. Jenifer. 

Isham, 233. 

[This will is recorded at Annapolis, Lib. 14, fol. 453. The testator, Lieut. 
Col. Henry Lowe, was the son of Henry Lowe of Park Hall, Co. Derby, England, 
by Prudence, his wife, daughter of John Lowe of Owlgreaves { Familiae Minorum 
Gentium^ p. 1037), and the nephew of Jane Lowe, who married 1^. Secretary 
Henry Sewall {Mag., i, 190), 2^^. Charles, 3rd Lord Baltimore. He was Collector 
of the Customs for Maryland in 1684 (Md. Arch, viii, 564) and was recommis- 
sioned in 1685 (t6., xvii, 401 ). He was a Justice of the Provincial Court, 1694, 
1696-97 (Md. Arch, xx, 137, 406; xxiii, 128), was High Sheriff of St. Mary's 
Co,, 1698-1700 {ib, xxii, 332 ; xxiv, 114 ; xxv, 26, 33 ), and represented St. Mary's 
City in the Assembly, 1701-1702 {ih. xxiv, 128, 159, 233). He was again elected 
to the latter position in 1704, but declined to take the oaths and was dismissed 
{ib. xxiv, 330, 356, 382, 383). He is styled Lieut. Colonel in the Archives in 
1698, and thereafter. Lieut.-Col. Henry Lowe, married Susanna Maria, daugh- 
ter of Kichard Bennett, Jr. {Mag.y i, 73-75), and widow of John Darnall (d. 
1684). They had issue i. Henry Lowe, Member of Council, 1717-21 (U. H. 
Journals), ii. Bennett Lowe, mar. Eleanor (b. 20 Feb. 1705), daughter of Col. 
Thomas Addison, iii. Thomas Lowe, iv. JNicholas Lowe, Member of Council, 
1726-28, d. 1728, v. Susanna Maria Lowe, married Charles Diggcs (d. 1744) of 
Warburton, Prince George's Co., vi. Jane Lowe, married James Bowles (d. 1727), 
vii. Anne Lowe, d. unmarried, 1719, viii. Elizabeth Lowe, married Henry Darnall 
of Portland Manor, ix. Henrietta Maria Lowe, x. Dorothy Lowe, married 
Francis Hall of Prince George's Co., xi. Mary Lowe, married Edward Koale. Of 
these children, Jane is not named in her father's will, but her sister, Anne J^we, 
in her will (14 June, 1718, proved 23 May, 1719), Bientions, "my sister, Madam 
Jane Bowles, wife of Mr. James Bowles."] 

James Bowles of St, Mary's County iu the Province of Mary- 
land, Merchant. Will 13 June 1727 ; proved 23 June 1729. 
Being God be praised in present Health both of body and mind 
considering the ffrailty and uncertainty of humane life do make 
this my last will and Testament revoking all others heretofore 
made by me and this to be my only Will as followeth Viz. Im- 
primus I bequeath my soul to the Almighty God the Creator 
whom I most earnestly beseech to pardon all my sins and to 
accept thereof for the sake of Jesus Christ our blessed Saviour and 
Kedeemer my body I desire may be decently but privately with- 
out j)omp buried at the discretion of my Executrix herein after 
mentioned. Item as to such worldly Estate as God hath been 
pleased to bless me with and which is in my power to dispose of 
I give devise and bequeath as followeth. Item I give to my 
daughter Eleanor Bowles the plantation, land and Houses com- 
monly called and Knowne by the Name of Half Pone and all the 
land I have a right to in Scotch Neck where Robert Philip, 
Daniel Curr, John Gibbons and Henry Tucker now dwell to her 
and her heirs for ever. Item I give to my daughter Mary Bowles 


all the Land where Hector McLain did live joining to John Reads 
and all the land called Hogg Neck and so up along the Branch 
called Break-Neck Hill to the Main Road as goes to our Church 
and so to the Bridge and all the land the south side of the Branch 
from where Owen Read did live to the Head Line between John 
Hall and William Wilkinson to her and her heirs for ever. Item 
I give to my daughter Jane J^wles all the Residue of my land 
that lays in St. Mary^s County viz* that part where my Dwelling 
House stands and all that land called Massons and over St. 
Thomas Creeke where Doctor Magill lives to her and her heirs 
for ever. Item I give to my loving wife Rebecca Bowles a 
quarter-part of any of my lands above mentioned during her 
natural life, where she pleases to take it and my desire is that she 
may take it when it may not be prejudicial more to one child than 
another if ean help it. Item as to my personal Estate which God 
in his Goodness has given me be it in Cattle, Hoggs, Goods, 
Negroes, Money, Tobacco or Debts or any other thing I give and 
bequeath it all equally between my loving wife and my three 
daughters above mentioned and pray God bless them with it and 
my desire is my Children may all live in Love and Unity and be 
dutiful to their Mother and that their Mother will be loving and 
tender to them and if which God forbid any dispute and difference 
should happen, my desire is that one party choose two !Men and 
the other choose two Men and the Arbitrators if they cannot agree 
to choose three men and their Judgment to end any difference, 
but in case my wife should be with child when pleas'd God to 
take this life from mc then my Will is that that Child shall come 
in for an Equal part of Land and Personal Estate and if please 
God that Child should be a Son tliem my Will is that all my land 
may goe to him for ever. To my Uncle George Bowles all the 
debt he owes me & £20. My wife Rebecca Bowles executor. 
Witnesses : W? Brogden, J°^ Mitchell, Josias Jeffery, D. Makgill, 
Edmund Plowden. Guarantee signed by Ben Leon Calvert. 

Abbott, 159. 

[This will was proved in Maryland, 3 January, 1727/8, and is recorded at 
Annapolis, Lib. 19, fol. 300. The testator, James Bowles, was a Member of the 
Council of Maryland, 1720-27 (U. H. Journals). He married first Jane, daugh- 
ter of Lieut. Col. Henry Lowe (see above), and secondly Rebecca (b. 3 Januarv, 
1704), daughter of Col. Thomas Addison (b. 1679 ; d. 1727) by his first wife, 
Elizabeth (b. 1686; d. 1706), daughter of Thomas Tasker (d. 1700) of Calvert 
Co. By his first marriage, James Bowles had an only daughter, i. Jane Bowles ; 
by his second wife he had two daughters, i. Eleanor Bowles married 1°. William 
Gooch, son of Sir William Gooch, Governor of Virginia, 2°. Warner Lewis of 
Gloucester Co., Va., 2°. Mary Bowles married 1°., in 1739, William Armistead 
of Heese, 2®. Rev. Thomas Price (Va. Mag,, iii, 113 ; W\ & M. Qu'ly, vi. 166). 



Mrs. Rebecca (Addison) Bowles survived her husband and married secondly, 10 
June, 1729, George Plater (b, 1695; d. 1755) of Sotterly, St. Mary's Co., and 
had issue by him. A notice of this marriage is to be found in the Maryland 
Gmm, 17 Jmne, 1729]. 

Christopher Vernon of the Province of Maryland, planter. 
Will 8 December, 1724; proved 14 December, 1724. To Wil- 
liam Vernon my nephew and my niece, Ann Moore, son and 
daughter of my late brother, John Vernon, £100 apieee. To 
Jane, their mother, £100 for her own use apart from John Ashton 
her now husband, to be paid to Mr. Thomas Hare for her use. 
To my Kinsman, Eobert Atkins, £100 for his wife and children. 
Bequest to Eleanor Maria Haveningham (under 21), the daughter- 
in-law of Mr. Peter Defrenc. Eesiduary legatee and executrix, 
my Aunt, Mrs. Anne Vernon. Witnesses : Barth : Cooper, W^ 
Cooper, Will : Gill. Bolton, 285. 

[This will is recorded at Annapolis, Lib. 18, fol. 373. Subjoined (fol. 376) is 
a power of attorney from Mrs. Anne Vernon of the parish of St. Ann's West- 
minster, in the County of Middlesex, spinster, executrix of the last will and 
testament of Christopher Vernon formerly of the Province of Maryland, planter 
(but late of London, deceased) to Mr. William Chapman of South Eiver, Mary- 
land, to recover all moneys due the estate in Maryland, etc. A suit in Chancery 
(1711-14, Lib. PL, fol. 340 ff.) shows that Lewis Evans of A. Arundel Co., died 
leaving four daughters, i. Elizabeth, since married to ... , Anctill, ii. Sarah, 
since married to Samuel Griffith of Calvert Co., iii. Katherine, iv. Ann, and that 
Lois, the widow and executrix of said Lewis Evans, subsequently married a certain 
Christopher Vernon, by whom she had a son, William. An abstract of the will 
of Lewis Evans (10 Dec. 1690 ; proved 11 March, 1690/1) naming his wife Lois 
and the above mentioned four daughters, is given in Baldwin's Calendar^ ii, 45, 
and the register of St. James Parish, A. Arundel Co., records the marriage, 19 
Aug. 1708, of Francis Anctill and Elizabeth Evans. The same parish register 
records the following children of Christopher and Loys Vernon" : — Ephraim, 
b. 18 Feb. 1691/2; William, b. 23 Jan. 1693/4; Loys, b. 10 Oct. 1697; ThcMnas, 
b. 27 Jan. 1701/2; Lucy, buried, 27 Sept. 1718]. 

Thomas Mason of Cecil County, Maryland, Merchant. Only 
son and heir at law of John Mason, late of Philadelphia, Pennsyl- 
vania, taylor. Will 4 November, 1731 ; proved in Philadelphia, 
13 March, 1731 : proved in London, 6 June, 1732. To William 
Carter of Philadelphia, £16 current money of America. To my 
executor, John Capron of Philadelphia, £20 sterling. To my 
sister, Mary, all my estate, real and personal, including £150 
sterling bequeathed me by Amy Lee of Eaton, near Windsor 
in that part of Great Britain called England. Executor, John 
Capron. Witnesses : Owen Owen, John Jones, Francis Sherrard. 

Bedford, 171. 

John Seymour of Plymouth, Co. Devon, Doctor of Physick. 
Will dated 27 August, 1741 ; proved 19 Sept. 1741. To my 



three daughters, Jana Maria Seymour, Margaret, now wife of 
Peregrine Osborn Bradshaw, Gent., and Hester Seymour, my 
plantation in Maryland, left me by my late Aunt Anne Lynnes, 
widow. Residuary l^atee and executrix, Jana Maria Seymour. 
Witnesses : Thomasin Bedford, Sarah Warren, John Elford. 

%)urway, 243. 

[The testator was the son of John Seymour, Governor of Maryland, 1704-1709, 
and the Aunt mentioned in the will was the Governor's sister, the wife of 
Philip Lynes of Charles County. The following is an abstract of her will, 
recorded iit Annapolis, Lib, 13, fol. 325. Ann Lynes of Charles County. Will 
20 Nov. 1611 ; proved 17 Dee. 1711. Bequests to Mary Chrismund and tny 
god-daughter, Ann, daughter of James Tyere. To Ann Hoskins, wife of Col. 
Philip Hoskins, £10. To Frances Hoe, wife of Col. Rice Hoe in Virginia, my 
best suit of apparrel, viz. : one silk gown and petticoat, and one pair of iaee 
sleeves. Betjucsts to my friend, Maj. Walter Story, to Robert Yates, to Col. 
Philip Hoekins, to Mrs. Mary Hemsley, wife of Philemon Ilemsley, to Riclwrd 
Loe, to Judith Warren, wife of John Warren, to )Sarah Story, daughter of Walter 
Story and Mary his wife, to Elizabeth Douglas, wife of Benjamin Douglas, and to 
Mary Douglas, daughter of Joseph Douglas and Penelope his wife. To John 
Seymour, eldest son to Col. John Seymour, late Governor of Maryland, 1000 acres 
on Elk River, called Belleonnell. Executors, Maj. W^alter Story, and Mr. 
Miehael Martin. Witnesses : James Bemont, Joseph Crosmand (written Cris- 
muiid in the probate). Mrs. Lynes' husband, Philip Lynes, was in Maryland as 
early as 1676 (Md. Areh., ii, 553) and, aecording to a deposition was aged 43 
years in 1692 (Md. Areh., viii, 433). In 1681 he was foreman of the jury which 
tried Josias Fendall, John Coode, and George Godfrey (Md. Arch., v, 315, 327, 
331, 333), and in 1694 he was Mayor of St. Mary's City and a Justice (i6., xx, 
147, 190). In 1696 he was a member of the Grand Jury of the Provinee, and 
was foreman of that body in 1698 (Md. Arcli., xx, 539; xxv, 40). He was a 
member of Assembly for Charles County, 1701-1702 (House Journals), and a 
member of Council, 1708-1709 (U. IT. Journals), under the administration of his 
brother-in-law, Governor Seymour. He was buried at Annapolis, 13 August, 
1709 (St. Anne's Kegister). The following is an abstract of his will, recorded at 
Annapolis, Lib. 12, fol. 151. Philip Lynes of Charles Connty, Gent. Will 6 
1709 ; proved 15 Aug. 1709. Bequests of land, etc., to the Vestries of "Picka- 
waxen, Newport, Durham Parish, in Charles County," and Piseata way Parish, in 
Prince George's County. To Madam Jane Seymour, Mrs. Mary C-ontee, my 
brother, Capt. Thomas Seymour, and my friend, William Bladen, each £10, to 
buy mourning rings. To Mrs. Frances and Mrs. Judith Townley, Mr. James 
Wooten, and Kev, Amos Garrett, each £5, and to my f^ood friend, Hon. Col. 
Thomas Greenfield, 40 shillings, for the same purpose. Bequests to Col. Green- 
field's youngest daughter, Joane, to my eozen, Mrs. Mary Contee, and to Mr. 
William Blaiden. My loving wife, Anne. Lands belonging to me in this Province 
and in Pennsylvania. Residuary legatee and executrix, my said wife, Anne 

Roger Newman of Baltimore County, Maryland. Will 10 
May, 1704; proved 30 December, 1704. To my executor, 
Charles Greenberry, one negro man, called Tom and one negro 
woman, called Jenny and her two children, and one bay stone 
horse ; also to said Charles Greenberry, my dwelling plantation at 
Bay Side, near the north side of Patapsco River, on payment of 
£500 to my sister Susannah Coatsworth should he desire to 


keep the land. To Mrs. flachcl Greenberry, my silver caudle 
cup and cover. To my friend, Henajge Eobinson, £20. To my 
frieud, Edward Hancox, £20. To my brother, Dy Caleb Coats- 
worth, £10. To Eliza Samson, the girl Betty to serve according 
to the custom of the country. To James Read, £10. Remainder 
to my sister Coatsworth. Executor, Charles Greenberry. Wit- 
nesses : Sam" Young, Hawkins, Charles Greenberrj^, Edward 
Hunt. Proved in Maryland 14 June, 1704. Ash, 268. 

[Kecorded at Annapolis, Lib. 3, fol. 258. Col. Charles Greenberry, who is 
named as executor, was the son of Col. Nicholas Greenberry, member of the 
Council, and Ann, his wife. According to a Bible record he was born 9 Feb. 
1672, and died 19 Nov. 1713. He represented Anne Arundel County in the 
Assembly, 1702-1709, and was a member of Council, 1709-1713 (Assembly 
Journals). He was also one of the Justices of Anne Arundel County, 1702-1709 
(Ms. Court Records). In the records he is styled Major in 1702 and Colonel 
in 1708. He married Radiel (b. 25 Sept. 1681; d. 26 Feb. 1749), daughter 
of John and Comfort Stimson and had three children, all of whom (lied young. 
His wife, Kachel survived him and married secondly, 24 Oct. 1715, Charles 
Hammond (b. 1692 ; d. 1772) of Anne Arundel County. Col. Greenberry' s 
will is recorded at Annapolis, Lib. 13, fol. 542. The following is an abstract : — 
Charles Greenberry of Anne Arundel County. Will 7 Feb. 1710 ; proved 8 Dec 
1713, To my wife, Rachel, all my real estate for life, and after her death, my 
land called Whitehall to the Vestry of W^estminster Parish, for the better sup- 
port of a minister there. To my sisters, Anne, wife of John Hammond and 
Elizabeth, wife of Robert Goldsborough, £20 each. To ray loving couzens, 
Henry, Nicholas, Anne, and Elizabeth Ridgley, and Kathcrine Howard, each 
two cows, two yearlings, and £5. To John Eager, a cow and calf. Residuary 
legatee and executrix, my wife, Bachel]. 

Charles Hall, Citizen and Fislimouger, London. Will 28 
February, 1697/8; proved 12 June, 1699. "I, Charles Hall, 
being bound on a voyage to Virginia with goods on account 
of Peter Martell of London, Merchant, give everything to the 
said Peter Martell." Executor, Peter Martell. Witness r W™ 
Fashion, Scrivener, William Clarke of the parish of St. Bridgett, 
alias Brides, London, Gent, deposes that he knew Charles Hall, 
late of Maryland and the parts beyond the Seas, and that the 
signature is the same as he o^noe saw the said Charles Hall sign. 

Pctt, 94. 

John Nicholson of Caecill County, -Maryland. Will 29 
August, 1692 ; proved 11 August, 1693. To my deare and 
loving wife, Catherine Nicholson, everything I possess and ordain 
her executrix. Coker, 128. 

Benjamin Scrivener of St. Botolph, without Aldgate, County 
Middlesex, Merchant. Will 22 December, 1686 ; proved 26 June, 
1699. To my wife, Grace Scriventr, one-third of my ^tate in 



the parish of Hartley Wintney, County Southampton, and in 
Maryland, and in all parts beyond the Seas or elsewhere ; and in 
case I die without issue, I give the other two parts to my kins- 
woman, Frances Freeman, daughter of my brother-in-law, Thomas 
Freeman, and to Benjamin Kinsley, son of my sister, Rhoda ; it 
they die before 21 or marriage, all to go to Elizabeth Freeman, 
another daughter of my said brother-in-law. Residuary legatee 
and executrix, my wife, Grace Scrivener. Witnesses : Rhoda 
Kinsley, Thomas Freeman, Mary Hounson, W"^ Jones, Scrivener. 

Pett, 107. 






W. Hall Harris, Eev. George A. Leakin, 

Henry F. Thompson. 

Corre^onding Secretary. 


Recording Secretary. 
Geo. Nosbury Mackenzie. 

Wm. Bowly Wilson. 

The Officers ex-affieio, and 

From the Trustee^? of the Athenceum, - 

** ** Committee on the Gallery, - 

** ** thelAbrary, - 

" *^ Fi7ianee, «• - 

** Publications, - 

** ** Membership^ - 

** " ** " Genealogy, 

** " Addresses, 

E. Stabler, Jr. 
Miles White, Jr. 
EiCHARD D. Fisher. 
Edwin Warfield. 
Clayton C. Hall. 
McHenry Howard. 
Christopher Johnston. 
A. C. Trippe. 

Assiikmt Secretary and Libr&rian, 
George W. McCreary. 

Form of Bequest. 

I give and bequeath unto The Maryland Historical Societ^^ a 
body corporate, the imm of , • • . , dollars. 




Meeting of March 11th, — In the absence of the Kecording 
Secretary, his place was filled for this meeting by Mr. Louis H. 

Announcement was made of the selections by the various 
standing committees of their representatives on the Council of 
the Society. The list of these appears as a portion of the list of 

The resignation was read and accepted of Mrs. Theodore H. 
Ellis ; and the deaths during the month, were announced of Rev. 
W. F. Brand, a corresponding, and Mr. Edward Niemann, an 
active memb^. 

Four new members were elected ; viz. : Miss Annie H. Abell, 
Miss Mary F. Day and Mr. James U. Dennis, active, and Eear- 
Admiral Theodore F. Jewell, associate. 

Among the donations reported were an autograph letter of 
Hon, W. L. Marcy and the Elbert family chart, the latter of 
special interest to the genealogists. 

The paper for the evening was read by Dr. Edward B. Mat- 
thews on the Mason and Dixon Line, detailing the events which 
led up to the establishment of this boundary, the actual running 
of the line, and the resurvey of it recently made. 

Meeting of April 8th, — An unusually large attendance was the 
feature of the April meeting, and those who were there had the 
pleasure of seeing the collection of phot(^raphs which had been 
made to form a porticm of the Masryland Exhibit at the James- 
town celebration. 

In addition to these there was a collection of six large photo- 
graphs from portraits of the several Lords Baltimore. These had 
been prepared by Mr. H. Mason Raborg of New York, and were 
also for exhibition at Jamestown, after which they are to be 



returned to and belong to the Society. A vote of thanks was 
given to Mr. Kaborg. 

The new members elected were Miss Grace Winchester Fisher, 
and Messrs. James E. Hancock, Clint(Hi L. Rigfs and Charles 

E. E-iordan. 

The most important of the contributions to the collections was 
that from Mr. Oswald Tilghman, of a print from a plate made 
about seventy-five years ago of the State House at Annapolis. 
This was especially interesting, as it showed the brick wall which 
surrounded the Capitol inclosure at that time. 

Mr. Basil SoUers read a paper specially prepared by him on 
" The Acadians transported to Maryland.'' 

Meeting of May ISth. — ^The death was reiwrted of Miyor N. 
H. Hutton. 

The interest aroused by the remarks of the President at the 
annual meeting of the desirability of increasing the memberdiip 
of the Society was shown in the increased number of members 
to be voted for. The following were elected : Mr. and Mrs. A. 

F. Baughman, Messrs. J. H. Buchanan, William H. Dix, George 
Forbes, Henry P. Goddard, E. Livezey, C. Howard Lloyd, J. 
V. McNeal, Thomas O'Neal and Miss M. Louisa Stewart, active, 
and Mr. Samuel L. Wilson, associate. 

A portrait was shown as that of Leonard Calvert, the first 
Governor of the colony. It came from Mr. H, Mason Raborg of 
New York, and like the portraits of the Lords Baltimore men- 
tioned in the proceedings of the April meeting, is for exhibition 
at Jamestown and thereafter to become the property of the Society. 
This photograph was uniform in size and framing with those of 
the Lords Baltimore. 

A volume of the genealogy of the Eden family, was presented 
by Rev. Robert Eden of London. This contains a portrait of the 
last colonial Governor, 

" The Creation and Development of American Administra- 
tion " was the subject of the paper of the evening, prepared and 
read by Mr. John Philip Hill.